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Linglib.Phenomena.Questions.Studies.ChanShen2026

Chan & Shen (2026): Conditions on wh-the-hell licensing #

@cite{chan-shen-2026} @cite{pesetsky-1987} @cite{chou-2012} @cite{merchant-2002} @cite{sato-ngui-2017} @cite{rawlins-2008} @cite{martin-2020} @cite{ippolito-2024} @cite{huang-ochi-2004} @cite{linebarger-1987} @cite{hoeksema-napoli-2008}

Linguistic Inquiry. Advance publication. https://doi.org/10.1162/LING.a.562

Empirical Contribution #

Acceptability judgment experiment (N=32 Singlish speakers, two crossed 2×2 factorial designs sharing the Long baseline). Establishes that in Singlish single wh-questions:

The original observation that in-situ wh-the-hell is bad goes back to @cite{pesetsky-1987} (introducing "aggressively non-D-linked").

Theoretical Contribution #

Two-component analysis:

  1. POV licensing (@cite{chou-2012}, building on @cite{huang-ochi-2004}): the-hell bears an unvalued POV feature [ud] that must be checked in a Spec-head relation with a POV operator in matrix CP, ascribing the negative attitude of the-hell to the speaker of the utterance.

  2. Parasitic movement (@cite{merchant-2002}): the-hell is a modifier adjoined to the wh-head. It cannot move independently — its movement to Spec-CP is parasitic on the wh-phrase's movement.

Predicts: the-hell is licensed iff the wh-phrase reaches matrix Spec-CP. Full and partial movement satisfy this; unselective binding (in-situ) does not.

Comparison with Alternative Accounts #

Cross-linguistic generalization #

The single typological parameter @cite{chan-shen-2026} isolate is the modifier's movement profile (ANDLMovementType.parasitic for English/Singlish the-hell vs .independent for Mandarin daodi, @cite{chou-2012}). Other ANDL items — the heck, the fuck, the dickens, in the world, in God's name (@cite{hoeksema-napoli-2008}, @cite{jackendoff-audring-2020}; paper footnote 6) — are predicted to behave like the-hell.

Architecture #

Theory-neutral lexical entries (theHell, daodi) live in the respective Fragment files. The Minimalist analysis (POV features, Agree, the licensing predicate) lives in Theories/Syntax/Minimalism/ Core/ANDL.lean. The empirical 2×2 design uses Paradigms/AcceptabilityJudgment.lean. This study file only carries the paper's specific data (six conditions, two DD scores) and the bridge theorems connecting theory to data.

Minimalist POV-feature analysis (formerly Core/ANDL.lean) #

The Minimalist (POV-feature) analysis of aggressively non-D-linked (ANDL) wh-modifiers, due to @cite{chou-2012} (building on @cite{huang-ochi-2004}, @cite{merchant-2002}). The theory-neutral lexical entry lives in Core/Lexical/ExpressiveModifier.lean; this section adds the framework-specific syntactic apparatus: an unvalued POV feature [ud] on the modifier, a valued [+d] POV operator merged in matrix C, and Spec-head Agree as the licensing relation.

  1. ANDL modifier (e.g., the-hell) carries an unvalued POV feature [ud]: a probe needing valuation.
  2. Matrix C carries a valued POV operator [+d]: a goal.
  3. Feature checking happens in Spec-head configuration in matrix CP.
  4. Therefore the modifier must reach matrix Spec-CP. For parasitic modifiers (English/Singlish the-hell), this requires the wh-host to reach matrix Spec-CP. For independent modifiers (Mandarin daodi), the modifier moves on its own.

The unvalued POV feature [ud] borne by ANDL modifiers (@cite{chou-2012}). A probe seeking a [+d] goal in a Spec-head relation.

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    The valued POV feature [+d] on the matrix-C POV operator. The goal that values [ud].

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      The probe-goal pair matches under featuresMatch: same feature type, opposite valuation status — the prerequisite for Agree.

      The ANDL modifier's POV feature is unvalued (a probe).

      The matrix-C POV operator carries a valued feature (a goal).

      @[reducible, inline]

      Minimalist licensing: an ANDL modifier is licensed iff a configuration obtains in which povUnvaluedFeature checks against povOperatorFeature in matrix Spec-CP. Operationally:

      • For a parasitic modifier, the wh-host must reach matrix Spec-CP (so that the adjoined modifier reaches Spec-CP with it).
      • For an independent modifier, the modifier moves to matrix Spec-CP on its own — host reachability is irrelevant.

      This is the Minimalist instantiation of the theory-neutral Typology.ExpressiveModifier.Licensed. The Minimalist version doesn't add a separate condition — it identifies "modifier reaches Spec-CP" as the structural realization of "scope position reached".

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        The-hell is licensed under strategy s iff the Minimalist LicensedMinimalist predicate holds with the wh-host's matrix Spec-CP reachability as the input. For parasitic the-hell, this reduces to "wh-host reaches matrix Spec-CP" — the licensing condition IS the reachability condition.

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          For parasitic the-hell, licensing reduces to host reachability.

          @[reducible, inline]

          A wh-the-hell condition is a FactorialCondition with two factors: WhType (does the sentence contain the hell?) and the wh-strategy.

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            In-situ comparison conditions (paper §2.1, ex 4):

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                    Partial movement comparison conditions (paper §2.1, ex 6):

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                        Subject wh-in-situ comparison (paper §3.3, ex 22). Subject in-situ wh-the-hell is also unacceptable, despite no intervener (single wh-question, Q in immediate scope) — a separate prediction failure for the intervention account.

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                          In-situ comparison DD score: large positive (1.15), significant interaction → superadditive penalty for the-hell in-situ.

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                          • ChanShen2026.insituDD = { comparison := "in-situ vs full movement", dd := 23 / 20, interactionSignificant := true }
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                            Partial-movement comparison DD score: ≈ 0 (-0.02), no significant interaction → costs are linearly additive.

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                              The in-situ DD is genuinely positive (superadditive).

                              The partial-movement DD is non-positive (additive or below).

                              For each wh-the-hell condition, the strategy's licensing prediction matches the experimental outcome. These theorems break if a condition's strategy changes or if the licensing predicate is redefined — they tie experimental data to theory.

                              The empirical pattern: full ✓, partial ✓, in-situ ✗, subject in-situ ✗.

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                                Chan & Shen 2026 (negative attitude ascription via POV). The predictions are derived from TheHellLicensed, which derives from WhStrategy.ReachesMatrixSpecCP, which derives from the strategy's WhInterpMechanism.

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                                  Den Dikken & Giannakidou (2002) intervention account predictions. Their empirical claim is that wh-the-hell is licensed iff Q is in the modifier's immediate scope (@cite{linebarger-1987}). In single wh-questions there is no other wh-phrase to intervene; their account therefore predicts all four single-wh cells acceptable — including object in-situ and subject in-situ, both wrongly. (Paper §3.4.1.)

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                                    Vu & Lohiniva (2020) AttP account predictions. The-hell is base-generated in matrix Spec-AttP; the nearest wh-phrase moves to Spec-AttP to check [+wh] before wh-the-hell moves to Spec-CP.

                                    • Full movement: wh-phrase moves all the way; ✓.
                                    • Partial movement: wh-phrase stops in embedded Spec-CP; the hell is in matrix Spec-AttP. There is no derivation that places them in a single constituent at Spell-Out (paper §3.4.2 ex 32: "no way to generate the correct word order"). Predicts ✗ — wrongly.
                                    • In-situ: wh-phrase doesn't reach Spec-AttP. ✗.
                                    • Subject in-situ: same. ✗. Three out of four right; partial-movement cell is the failure.
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                                      Singlish wh-in-situ uses binding (not movement), just like Mandarin wh-in-situ in @cite{shen-huang-2026}. Therefore only the Specificity Condition applies — the PIC is inapplicable. This is why Singlish wh-in-situ is island-insensitive (@cite{sato-ngui-2017}: 11b).

                                      Connection: constraintsForDependencyType .binding = [.semantic] (no syntactic / PIC constraint).

                                      Conversely, partial movement (the second covert step) IS island- sensitive — paper §3.1 ex 15 shows partial movement out of a complex NP is unacceptable. Bridges to Shen & Huang's classification via partialMovement → .movement → [.syntactic, .semantic].

                                      The syntactic POV feature on the-hell is the feature-checking reflex of the semantic PerspectiveP layer (@cite{dayal-2025}). Both encode the requirement that a perspectival center (the speaker, in direct questions) must be identified.

                                      - **Syntactic** (this file): [*ud*] on *the-hell* checked by POV-op
                                        in matrix C; reaches Spec-CP iff host reaches Spec-CP.
                                      - **Semantic** (`LeftPeriphery.lean`): PerspP introduces PRO with
                                        `◇¬know(speaker, Ans(Q))` — the possible-ignorance presupposition.
                                      
                                      *The-hell*'s negative attitude (speaker finds every possible answer
                                      improbable, @cite{rawlins-2008}; ignorance reading,
                                      @cite{martin-2020}; conventional implicature, @cite{ippolito-2024})
                                      strengthens PerspP's possible-ignorance presupposition. 
                                      

                                      Direct wh-the-hell questions select PerspP — they require the speaker as perspectival center (the negative attitude bearer in @cite{chou-2012}'s analysis). Bridges Chan & Shen's syntactic POV apparatus to Dayal's semantic PerspP layer.

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                                        The PerspP-selecting class is precisely the one that does not entail knowledge of the answer — matching the-hell's ignorance component (@cite{martin-2020}). Bridge from LeftPeriphery.

                                        The PerspP-selecting class is consistent with the possible-ignorance presupposition (◇¬know(speaker, Ans(Q))) — the semantic side of the-hell's negative attitude (@cite{rawlins-2008}, @cite{ippolito-2024}).

                                        Daodi is licensed even with wh-in-situ — it moves independently to matrix Spec-CP. Theory-neutral consequence of the typological parameter, derived via independent_matrix_always_licensed.