Chan & Shen (2026): Conditions on wh-the-hell licensing #
@cite{chan-shen-2026} @cite{pesetsky-1987} @cite{chou-2012} @cite{merchant-2002} @cite{sato-ngui-2017} @cite{rawlins-2008} @cite{martin-2020} @cite{ippolito-2024} @cite{huang-ochi-2004} @cite{linebarger-1987} @cite{hoeksema-napoli-2008}
Linguistic Inquiry. Advance publication. https://doi.org/10.1162/LING.a.562
Empirical Contribution #
Acceptability judgment experiment (N=32 Singlish speakers, two crossed 2×2 factorial designs sharing the Long baseline). Establishes that in Singlish single wh-questions:
- In-situ wh-the-hell is unacceptable: superadditive interaction (WhType × Strategy p < 0.001; DD = 1.15)
- Partial-movement wh-the-hell is acceptable: additive costs only (no interaction p = 0.882; DD = -0.02)
- The same in-situ ban holds for subject wh-in-situ (paper §3.3 ex 22b) — a separate prediction failure for the intervention account (paper §3.4.1, p. 23–24): no higher wh, no intervener, but still bad.
The original observation that in-situ wh-the-hell is bad goes back to @cite{pesetsky-1987} (introducing "aggressively non-D-linked").
Theoretical Contribution #
Two-component analysis:
POV licensing (@cite{chou-2012}, building on @cite{huang-ochi-2004}): the-hell bears an unvalued POV feature [ud] that must be checked in a Spec-head relation with a POV operator in matrix CP, ascribing the negative attitude of the-hell to the speaker of the utterance.
Parasitic movement (@cite{merchant-2002}): the-hell is a modifier adjoined to the wh-head. It cannot move independently — its movement to Spec-CP is parasitic on the wh-phrase's movement.
Predicts: the-hell is licensed iff the wh-phrase reaches matrix Spec-CP. Full and partial movement satisfy this; unselective binding (in-situ) does not.
Comparison with Alternative Accounts #
- @cite{den-dikken-giannakidou-2002} (intervention/PI): correctly predicts in-situ bad in multiple wh-questions (intervener present) but wrongly predicts in-situ OK in single wh-questions (no intervener, per @cite{linebarger-1987}'s immediate-scope condition); doubly wrong for subject in-situ where Q is in immediate scope.
- @cite{vu-lohiniva-2020} (AttP, building on @cite{huang-ochi-2004}): correctly predicts full OK and in-situ bad, but wrongly predicts partial bad (paper §3.4.2 ex 32: cannot generate the correct word order with the-hell in matrix Spec-AttP and wh-phrase in embedded Spec-CP).
Cross-linguistic generalization #
The single typological parameter @cite{chan-shen-2026} isolate is the
modifier's movement profile (ANDLMovementType.parasitic for
English/Singlish the-hell vs .independent for Mandarin daodi,
@cite{chou-2012}). Other ANDL items — the heck, the fuck,
the dickens, in the world, in God's name (@cite{hoeksema-napoli-2008},
@cite{jackendoff-audring-2020}; paper footnote 6) — are predicted to
behave like the-hell.
Architecture #
Theory-neutral lexical entries (theHell, daodi) live in the
respective Fragment files. The Minimalist analysis (POV features,
Agree, the licensing predicate) lives in Theories/Syntax/Minimalism/ Core/ANDL.lean. The empirical 2×2 design uses
Paradigms/AcceptabilityJudgment.lean. This study file only carries
the paper's specific data (six conditions, two DD scores) and the
bridge theorems connecting theory to data.
Minimalist POV-feature analysis (formerly Core/ANDL.lean) #
The Minimalist (POV-feature) analysis of aggressively non-D-linked
(ANDL) wh-modifiers, due to @cite{chou-2012} (building on
@cite{huang-ochi-2004}, @cite{merchant-2002}). The theory-neutral
lexical entry lives in Core/Lexical/ExpressiveModifier.lean; this
section adds the framework-specific syntactic apparatus: an unvalued
POV feature [ud] on the modifier, a valued [+d] POV operator
merged in matrix C, and Spec-head Agree as the licensing relation.
- ANDL modifier (e.g., the-hell) carries an unvalued POV feature [ud]: a probe needing valuation.
- Matrix C carries a valued POV operator [+d]: a goal.
- Feature checking happens in Spec-head configuration in matrix CP.
- Therefore the modifier must reach matrix Spec-CP. For parasitic modifiers (English/Singlish the-hell), this requires the wh-host to reach matrix Spec-CP. For independent modifiers (Mandarin daodi), the modifier moves on its own.
The unvalued POV feature [ud] borne by ANDL modifiers (@cite{chou-2012}). A probe seeking a [+d] goal in a Spec-head relation.
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The valued POV feature [+d] on the matrix-C POV operator. The goal that values [ud].
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The probe-goal pair matches under featuresMatch: same feature
type, opposite valuation status — the prerequisite for Agree.
The ANDL modifier's POV feature is unvalued (a probe).
The matrix-C POV operator carries a valued feature (a goal).
Minimalist licensing: an ANDL modifier is licensed iff a configuration
obtains in which povUnvaluedFeature checks against povOperatorFeature
in matrix Spec-CP. Operationally:
- For a parasitic modifier, the wh-host must reach matrix Spec-CP (so that the adjoined modifier reaches Spec-CP with it).
- For an independent modifier, the modifier moves to matrix Spec-CP on its own — host reachability is irrelevant.
This is the Minimalist instantiation of the theory-neutral
Typology.ExpressiveModifier.Licensed. The Minimalist version
doesn't add a separate condition — it identifies "modifier reaches
Spec-CP" as the structural realization of "scope position reached".
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- Minimalist.ANDL.LicensedMinimalist m whHostReachesMatrixSpecCP = Typology.ExpressiveModifier.Licensed m whHostReachesMatrixSpecCP
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The-hell is licensed under strategy s iff the Minimalist
LicensedMinimalist predicate holds with the wh-host's matrix
Spec-CP reachability as the input. For parasitic the-hell, this
reduces to "wh-host reaches matrix Spec-CP" — the licensing
condition IS the reachability condition.
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- ChanShen2026.instDecidableTheHellLicensed s = id inferInstance
For parasitic the-hell, licensing reduces to host reachability.
Full wh-movement licenses the-hell.
Partial wh-movement licenses the-hell.
Wh-in-situ blocks the-hell.
A wh-the-hell condition is a FactorialCondition with two factors:
WhType (does the sentence contain the hell?) and the wh-strategy.
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In-situ comparison conditions (paper §2.1, ex 4):
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- ChanShen2026.whLong = { label := "Wh-Long", level1 := false, level2 := Fragments.Singlish.Questions.fullMovement, sentence := "What you think Natalie is baking at 3am ah?" }
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- ChanShen2026.whHellLong = { label := "WhHell-Long", level1 := true, level2 := Fragments.Singlish.Questions.fullMovement, sentence := "What the hell you think Natalie is baking at 3am ah?" }
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- ChanShen2026.whSitu = { label := "Wh-Situ", level1 := false, level2 := Fragments.Singlish.Questions.whInSitu, sentence := "You think Natalie is baking what at 3am ah?" }
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- ChanShen2026.whHellSitu = { label := "WhHell-Situ", level1 := true, level2 := Fragments.Singlish.Questions.whInSitu, sentence := "You think Natalie is baking what the hell at 3am ah?" }
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Partial movement comparison conditions (paper §2.1, ex 6):
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- ChanShen2026.whPartial = { label := "Wh-Partial", level1 := false, level2 := Fragments.Singlish.Questions.partialMovement, sentence := "You think what Natalie is baking at 3am ah?" }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Subject wh-in-situ comparison (paper §3.3, ex 22). Subject in-situ wh-the-hell is also unacceptable, despite no intervener (single wh-question, Q in immediate scope) — a separate prediction failure for the intervention account.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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In-situ comparison DD score: large positive (1.15), significant interaction → superadditive penalty for the-hell in-situ.
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- ChanShen2026.insituDD = { comparison := "in-situ vs full movement", dd := 23 / 20, interactionSignificant := true }
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Partial-movement comparison DD score: ≈ 0 (-0.02), no significant interaction → costs are linearly additive.
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- ChanShen2026.partialDD = { comparison := "partial vs full movement", dd := -1 / 50, interactionSignificant := false }
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The in-situ DD is genuinely positive (superadditive).
The partial-movement DD is non-positive (additive or below).
For each wh-the-hell condition, the strategy's licensing prediction matches the experimental outcome. These theorems break if a condition's strategy changes or if the licensing predicate is redefined — they tie experimental data to theory.
The empirical pattern: full ✓, partial ✓, in-situ ✗, subject in-situ ✗.
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- ChanShen2026.empiricalPattern = Paradigms.AcceptabilityJudgment.AccountPredictions.of2x2 True True False False
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Chan & Shen 2026 (negative attitude ascription via POV). The
predictions are derived from TheHellLicensed, which derives from
WhStrategy.ReachesMatrixSpecCP, which derives from the strategy's
WhInterpMechanism.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Den Dikken & Giannakidou (2002) intervention account predictions. Their empirical claim is that wh-the-hell is licensed iff Q is in the modifier's immediate scope (@cite{linebarger-1987}). In single wh-questions there is no other wh-phrase to intervene; their account therefore predicts all four single-wh cells acceptable — including object in-situ and subject in-situ, both wrongly. (Paper §3.4.1.)
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- ChanShen2026.denDikkenGiannakidou = Paradigms.AcceptabilityJudgment.AccountPredictions.of2x2 True True True True
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Vu & Lohiniva (2020) AttP account predictions. The-hell is base-generated in matrix Spec-AttP; the nearest wh-phrase moves to Spec-AttP to check [+wh] before wh-the-hell moves to Spec-CP.
- Full movement: wh-phrase moves all the way; ✓.
- Partial movement: wh-phrase stops in embedded Spec-CP; the hell is in matrix Spec-AttP. There is no derivation that places them in a single constituent at Spell-Out (paper §3.4.2 ex 32: "no way to generate the correct word order"). Predicts ✗ — wrongly.
- In-situ: wh-phrase doesn't reach Spec-AttP. ✗.
- Subject in-situ: same. ✗. Three out of four right; partial-movement cell is the failure.
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- ChanShen2026.vuLohiniva = Paradigms.AcceptabilityJudgment.AccountPredictions.of2x2 True False False False
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Only the Chan & Shen (2026) account matches the empirical pattern.
Singlish wh-in-situ uses binding (not movement), just like Mandarin wh-in-situ in @cite{shen-huang-2026}. Therefore only the Specificity Condition applies — the PIC is inapplicable. This is why Singlish wh-in-situ is island-insensitive (@cite{sato-ngui-2017}: 11b).
Connection: constraintsForDependencyType .binding = [.semantic]
(no syntactic / PIC constraint).
Conversely, partial movement (the second covert step) IS island-
sensitive — paper §3.1 ex 15 shows partial movement out of a
complex NP is unacceptable. Bridges to Shen & Huang's classification
via partialMovement → .movement → [.syntactic, .semantic].
The syntactic POV feature on the-hell is the feature-checking reflex of the semantic PerspectiveP layer (@cite{dayal-2025}). Both encode the requirement that a perspectival center (the speaker, in direct questions) must be identified.
- **Syntactic** (this file): [*ud*] on *the-hell* checked by POV-op
in matrix C; reaches Spec-CP iff host reaches Spec-CP.
- **Semantic** (`LeftPeriphery.lean`): PerspP introduces PRO with
`◇¬know(speaker, Ans(Q))` — the possible-ignorance presupposition.
*The-hell*'s negative attitude (speaker finds every possible answer
improbable, @cite{rawlins-2008}; ignorance reading,
@cite{martin-2020}; conventional implicature, @cite{ippolito-2024})
strengthens PerspP's possible-ignorance presupposition.
Direct wh-the-hell questions select PerspP — they require the speaker as perspectival center (the negative attitude bearer in @cite{chou-2012}'s analysis). Bridges Chan & Shen's syntactic POV apparatus to Dayal's semantic PerspP layer.
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The PerspP-selecting class is precisely the one that does not
entail knowledge of the answer — matching the-hell's ignorance
component (@cite{martin-2020}). Bridge from LeftPeriphery.
The PerspP-selecting class is consistent with the possible-ignorance
presupposition (◇¬know(speaker, Ans(Q))) — the semantic side of
the-hell's negative attitude (@cite{rawlins-2008},
@cite{ippolito-2024}).
The the-hell / daodi minimal pair: same POV feature analysis
(povUnvaluedFeature in both); single parametric difference is
ANDLMovementType.parasitic vs .independent.
Daodi is licensed even with wh-in-situ — it moves independently
to matrix Spec-CP. Theory-neutral consequence of the typological
parameter, derived via independent_matrix_always_licensed.