@cite{bruening-2001} — QR Obeys Superiority #
@cite{bruening-2001} @cite{larson-1988} @cite{may-1985} @cite{pylkkanen-2008}
Bruening's Linguistic Inquiry paper "QR Obeys Superiority: Frozen Scope and ACD" — both the empirical scope-freezing data set and the theoretical Minimalist analysis (QR locality + superiority + phase-theoretic barriers).
Part I: Empirical data #
Theory-neutral scope-freezing examples primarily compiled from
@cite{bruening-2001}, with contributions from @cite{larson-1988}
(double-object construction examples) and @cite{may-1985}
(foundational scope-availability vocabulary). Was formerly
Phenomena/Quantification/Data.lean; renamed per the
provenance-tracking policy.
Downstream consumer Steedman2000.lean imports from here.
Part II: Theoretical analysis (Minimalist QR) #
Bruening's central thesis — QR obeys Superiority — is derived formally: double-object scope freezing follows from asymmetric c-command in @cite{pylkkanen-2008}'s Voice + low-Appl tree, where the goal asymmetrically c-commands the theme. Other freezing contexts (possessor, passive, attitude) are analyzed via DP-phase / adjunct-island / clause-boundary barriers.
Was formerly Phenomena/Quantification/MinimalismScope.lean;
absorbed here per the "study files own the analysis they advance"
policy (CLAUDE.md).
Sections #
ScopeFreezing: Empirical configurations where inverse scope is unavailableScopeWordOrder: Word order effects on scope in verb-final constructionsMinimalistAnalysis: Theoretical derivation of freezing from Minimalist QR
Available scope readings for a sentence
- ambiguous : Availability
- surfaceOnly : Availability
- inverseOnly : Availability
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- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.instDecidableEqAvailability x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Confidence in the judgment
- clear : Confidence
- gradient : Confidence
- controversial : Confidence
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- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.instDecidableEqConfidence x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Source of the judgment
- introspective : DataSource
- experimental : DataSource
- corpus : DataSource
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- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.instDecidableEqDataSource x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Types of configurations that induce scope freezing
- none : FreezingContext
- possessor : FreezingContext
- doubleObject : FreezingContext
- passive : FreezingContext
- heavyNP : FreezingContext
- weakCrossover : FreezingContext
- adjunct : FreezingContext
- attitude : FreezingContext
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Equations
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.instDecidableEqFreezingContext x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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A scope freezing example with empirical judgment
- id : String
- sentence : String
- quant1 : String
- quant2 : String
- context : FreezingContext
- observed : Availability
- confidence : Confidence
- source : DataSource
- surfaceGloss : String
- inverseGloss : String
- notes : String
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Possessor freezing is robust (clear judgments)
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Double object freezing is robust
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Passive freezing is more gradient
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Count frozen examples
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Count ambiguous baselines
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Word order patterns in verb-final constructions.
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Equations
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.instDecidableEqVerbOrder x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Whether a word order blocks inverse scope
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Available scope readings for a sentence.
- surfaceOnly : ScopeAvailability
- ambiguous : ScopeAvailability
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Equations
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.instDecidableEqScopeAvailability x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Convert word order to scope availability
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- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.wordOrderToAvailability Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.VerbOrder.verbRaising = Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.ScopeAvailability.ambiguous
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German sentence data from Bayer/Kayne.
- surface : String
- translation : String
- wordOrder : VerbOrder
- observed : ScopeAvailability
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West Flemish data from @cite{haegeman-van-riemsdijk-1986}.
- surface : String
- translation : String
- wordOrder : VerbOrder
- observed : ScopeAvailability
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Dutch equi verb data from @cite{steedman-2000}.
- surface : String
- translation : String
- wordOrder : VerbOrder
- observed : ScopeAvailability
- quantifiers : List String
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Word order correctly predicts scope availability
Connects Minimalist QR / Scope Economy theory to the empirical scope-freezing data above. The central claim is Bruening's "QR obeys superiority": double-object freezing falls out of asymmetric c-command in the @cite{pylkkanen-2008} ditransitive tree.
Analyze why a freezing context blocks inverse scope in Minimalism.
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- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.analyzeFreezingContext Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.FreezingContext.none = none
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.analyzeFreezingContext Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.FreezingContext.possessor = some Minimalist.Scope.QRBarrier.dpPhase
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.analyzeFreezingContext Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.FreezingContext.doubleObject = some Minimalist.Scope.QRBarrier.superiority
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.analyzeFreezingContext Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.FreezingContext.passive = some Minimalist.Scope.QRBarrier.adjunctIsland
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.analyzeFreezingContext Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.FreezingContext.heavyNP = none
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.analyzeFreezingContext Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.FreezingContext.weakCrossover = none
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.analyzeFreezingContext Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.FreezingContext.adjunct = some Minimalist.Scope.QRBarrier.adjunctIsland
- Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.analyzeFreezingContext Phenomena.Quantification.Bruening2001.FreezingContext.attitude = some Minimalist.Scope.QRBarrier.clauseBoundary
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Does Minimalism predict freezing for this context?
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Minimalist representation of a scope configuration.
Higher quantifier (typically subject)
Lower quantifier (typically object)
- freezingContext : FreezingContext
Freezing context if any
- tree : Option Minimalist.SyntacticObject
The tree in which q1 and q2 are positioned. When provided, superiority is derived from c-command rather than stipulated.
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Check if superiority blocks QR in this configuration.
When a tree and SO positions are provided, superiority is DERIVED from asymmetric c-command. Otherwise falls back to the freezing context annotation.
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Compute available scope readings in Minimalism.
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Build config from a freezing example (fallback path — no tree).
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Minimalism's prediction for an example.
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Check if Minimalism correctly predicts the example.
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Possessor freezing follows from DP being a phase.
Double object freezing follows from superiority.
Passive freezing follows from adjunct island.
Heavy NP is NOT predicted to freeze (it's processing).
Baseline (no context) is predicted ambiguous.
@cite{pylkkanen-2008}'s low-Appl tree (ditransitiveTree) produces
the DOC structure where V takes ApplP as complement, so the goal in
Spec-ApplP asymmetrically c-commands the theme in complement of Appl.
QR of the theme over the goal is blocked by superiority, derived
from c-command rather than stipulated.
DOC scope freezing config with @cite{pylkkanen-2008}'s tree: superiority is derived from goal asymmetrically c-commanding theme in the Voice + low-Appl structure.
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Superiority in the DOC is DERIVED from c-command in @cite{pylkkanen-2008}'s tree: goal (Mary) asymmetrically c-commands theme (a letter) via low Appl, so QR of theme over goal is blocked.
Summary #
| Context | Minimalist Explanation |
|---|---|
| Possessor | DP phase blocks QR |
| Double object | Superiority: goal c-commands theme (@cite{pylkkanen-2008} tree) |
| Passive | Adjunct island |
| Heavy NP | NOT grammatical (processing) |
| Attitude | Clause boundary |