Variation in the lexical semantics of property concept roots #
@cite{hanink-koontz-garboden-2025}
Hanink, E.A. & Koontz-Garboden, A. (2025). Variation in the lexical semantics of property concept roots: Evidence from Wá·šiw. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 43, 2727–2769.
Core contribution #
Property concept (PC) roots in Wá·šiw come in two semantic types:
Individual/state relations (Class 1, Class 3):
λx_e λs_v[P(x)(s)]These relate an individual to a state (e.g., √IHUK' 'dry': λx λs[dry(x)(s)]). Type:⟨e, ⟨v, t⟩⟩=RootDenotationType.indivStatePred.Quality predicates (Class 2):
λs_v[P(s)]These are predicates of states with no individual argument (e.g., √I:YEL 'big': λs[big(s)]). Type:⟨v, t⟩=RootDenotationType.statePred.
Three morphological classes #
| Class | ATTR ʔil- | Reduplication | v_HAVE -iʔ | Example |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | * | * | * | yasaŋ 'hot' |
| 2 | * | * | ✓ | i:yel 'big' |
| 3 | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | kaykay 'tall' |
Key mechanisms #
-iʔ as v_have (possessive light verb / categorizer):
⟦-iʔ⟧ = λP_⟨e,t⟩ λx_e ∃y_e[P(y) & π(x, y)]Verbalizes quality-denoting roots (Class 2) by introducing possessive semantics. Also functions as v_have in ordinary possession.ʔil- as ∇ (type-shifter):
⟦ʔil-⟧ = λP_⟨e,⟨v,t⟩⟩ λs_v[∇(λx λs'[P(x)(s')])(s)]Converts individual/state relations (Class 3) to quality-type predicates, which then feed into -iʔ.Type mismatch prediction: v_become requires
⟨e, ⟨v, t⟩⟩as input. Class 2 roots are⟨v, t⟩(hasIndivArg = false), so they CANNOT appear as finals in resultative bipartite verb constructions. Class 1 and 3 roots CAN (hasIndivArg = true).
Connections #
- Both -iʔ and ʔil- ADD semantic content (possession, ∇) — monotonic operations consistent with the MH (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009}).
- π is Barker's relationalizer from possessive NP semantics, reused inside the verbal categorizer's denotation.
- Against @cite{menon-pancheva-2014}'s universalist claim: not all PC roots have the same meaning.
- All Wá·šiw PC roots are
RootEntailments.propertyConcept(+S −M −R −C) per @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020} — the variation is in semantic type, not in structural entailments.
Morphological class of PC verbs in Wá·šiw (Table 2).
- class1 : MorphClass
- class2 : MorphClass
- class3 : MorphClass
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- HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.instDecidableEqMorphClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The RootDenotationType of roots in each morphological class.
Derived from the paper's analysis (§§4–5):
- Class 1/3: individual/state relations ⟨e, ⟨v, t⟩⟩
- Class 2: quality predicates ⟨v, t⟩
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v_become requires an individual/state relation ⟨e, ⟨v, t⟩⟩. A root can serve as a bipartite verb "final" (result component) iff its denotation type has an individual argument.
This is DERIVED from RootDenotationType.hasIndivArg, not stipulated
per morphological class.
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Class 1 roots can appear as bipartite verb finals (e.g., √IHUK' 'dry' in resultative 'dry by wiping').
Class 3 roots can appear as bipartite verb finals (e.g., √ŠI:ŠIP 'straight' in resultative 'straighten by pulling').
Class 2 roots CANNOT appear as bipartite verb finals — type mismatch
with v_become because statePred.hasIndivArg = false.
(@cite{hanink-koontz-garboden-2025} §5.1)
The bipartite verb gap follows from semantic type: exactly the quality-type roots (those lacking an individual argument) are excluded.
Denotation of -iʔ as v_have (@cite{hanink-koontz-garboden-2025} (34)):
⟦-iʔ⟧ = λP λx ∃y[P(y) & π(x, y)]
Takes a one-place predicate P (the quality/state) and a possession
relation R, returning a predicate of individuals who possess
something satisfying P. Quantification over the possessum y is
modeled via List.any over a finite entity domain.
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- HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.vHave entities P R x s = entities.any fun (y : Entity) => P y s && R x y s
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v_have is Barker's π composed with existential closure:
vHave entities P R x s = ∃y ∈ entities. (π P R) x y s
The ∇ operator (ʔil-): type-shifts an individual/state relation to a quality predicate (@cite{hanink-koontz-garboden-2025} (57)).
⟦ʔil-⟧ = λP_⟨e,⟨v,t⟩⟩ λs_v[∇P(s)]
Takes a relation P between individuals and states, and returns the set of states that underly P's range — i.e., states s such that some individual bears P to s.
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- HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.nabla entities P s = entities.any fun (x : Entity) => P x s
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∇ produces a quality-type predicate: its output depends only on the
state, with the individual argument existentially closed.
This matches RootDenotationType.statePred (⟨v,t⟩).
Whether a morphological class requires the possessive verbalizer -iʔ. Derived from the root's denotation type: roots without an individual argument MUST go through v_have; roots with one MAY (Class 3) or may not (Class 1).
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Whether a morphological class requires the ʔil- prefix (∇ type-shift).
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Class 1 roots are the only class that can be zero-categorized as verbs — they predicate directly without v_have (@cite{hanink-koontz-garboden-2025} §4.3 / Table 1; reaffirmed §7 Table 2).
Quality-type roots (those without an individual argument) always require possessive morphology. This is the paper's central claim: the type mismatch between ⟨v,t⟩ and predication of individuals FORCES v_have.
ʔil- always co-occurs with -iʔ: Class 3 has both. ∇ type-shifts the root to quality-type, which then needs v_have.
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- HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.instDecidableEqPCOp x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.instBEqPCOp.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Operators present in each morphological class. Class 1: just the root. Class 2: root + possession (from -iʔ). Class 3: root + ∇ + reduplication + possession.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.MorphClass.class1.operators = [HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.PCOp.root]
- HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.MorphClass.class2.operators = [HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.PCOp.root, HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.PCOp.possess]
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All three derivational relationships are monotonic — none remove
operators from the LSR. Uses isMonotonic from KoontzGarboden2009.lean
(the originating paper for the Monotonicity Hypothesis).
@cite{menon-pancheva-2014} claim all PC roots have the same semantic type crosslinguistically. @cite{hanink-koontz-garboden-2025} refutes this with language-internal evidence: Wá·šiw has PC roots of BOTH denotation types, correlated with different morphosyntax.
A Wá·šiw property concept root entry.
The theory-layer RootClassification is exposed as a derived projection
toRootClassification rather than a stored field — all PC roots share
arity := .noTheme, changeType := .propertyConcept, and have
denotationType determined by morphClass.denotationType. Storing it
redundantly would invite the encoding-conclusions-as-definitions
anti-pattern (CLAUDE.md).
- stem : String
- gloss : String
- morphClass : MorphClass
- dixonCat : PCClass
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The theory-layer RootClassification derived from a Wáshiw PC root.
All PC roots are propertyConcept (+S −M −R −C) and noTheme; their
denotationType is determined by MorphClass.denotationType.
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- w.toRootClassification = { arity := RootArity.noTheme, changeType := RootType.propertyConcept, denotationType := some w.morphClass.denotationType }
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Convenience constructor — kept stable for sampleRoots literals.
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- HaninkKoontzGarboden2025.mkWasiwRoot stem gloss mc cat = { stem := stem, gloss := gloss, morphClass := mc, dixonCat := cat }
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Selected sample of Wá·šiw PC roots from @cite{hanink-koontz-garboden-2025}'s Table A1 (Appendix). The full table reports 30 Class 1, 15 Class 2, and 35 Class 3 roots; the 36-root sample below covers ~13/11/12 from each class plus the 5 attested color roots (all Class 3 per §7), so proportions are not preserved — Class 2 is overrepresented and Class 1 undersampled relative to the corpus.
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All Wáshiw PC roots are property-concept (changeType = .propertyConcept),
noTheme arity, and have a denotation type determined by their morph class
— these invariants are true by construction of WasiwPCRoot.toRootClassification,
so no separate theorems are needed. The theorems below test substantive
claims about the sample's composition, not its constructor's consistency.
All color roots are Class 3 — the only fully predictable Dixon category (@cite{hanink-koontz-garboden-2025} §7, Appendix).
Distribution across the sample (13/11/12 for Class 1/2/3).
statePred is the only RootDenotationType without an individual
argument — it is the type that forces possessive morphology.
Class 1 and Class 3 share denotation type (both indivStatePred).
Class 2 is the only class with statePred denotation type.
The three key predictions form a single biconditional over
morphological class, all derived from hasIndivArg:
mc = Class 2 ↔ statePred ↔ can't be bipartite final ↔ requires v_have
(The last implication is one-directional: Class 3 also requires v_have despite having indivStatePred, because ∇ converts it to quality-type before -iʔ applies.)