Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.Chierchia2013

Disjunction Ignorance @cite{chierchia-2013} #

Empirical patterns for ignorance inferences from disjunction, organized around @cite{chierchia-2013}'s positional-asymmetry account.

"Harry is in Antwerp or Brussels" implicates:

  1. Speaker doesn't know Harry is in Antwerp
  2. Speaker doesn't know Harry is in Brussels

This is different from scalar implicature:

The file provides a predictReading function over ContextPolarity (from Core.NaturalLogic) that derives the preferred inclusive/exclusive reading from structural position.

Empirical pattern: Disjunction and speaker ignorance.

"Harry is in Antwerp or Brussels" implicates:

  1. Speaker doesn't know Harry is in Antwerp
  2. Speaker doesn't know Harry is in Brussels

Source: @cite{gazdar-1979}, @cite{geurts-2010} Ch. 3.3

  • disjunction : String

    The disjunctive statement

  • disjunctA : String

    First disjunct

  • disjunctB : String

    Second disjunct

  • inferenceA : String

    Ignorance inference about A

  • inferenceB : String

    Ignorance inference about B

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      Classic example: Harry's location. Source: @cite{geurts-2010} p.61

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        Location example with Mary.

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          Activity example.

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            All basic ignorance examples.

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              Comparison between ignorance and scalar implicatures.

              Scalar implicatures and ignorance inferences differ:

              • Scalar: speaker knows the stronger alternative is false
              • Ignorance: speaker doesn't know which disjunct is true
              • utterance : String

                The utterance

              • inferenceType : String

                Type of inference

              • inference : String

                The inference

              • speakerClaimsKnowledge : Bool

                Is speaker claiming knowledge?

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                  "Some" triggers scalar implicature (speaker knows).

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                    "Or" triggers ignorance (speaker doesn't know).

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                      Ignorance extends to long disjunctions (n > 2).

                      For "A or B or C", we get ignorance about each disjunct:

                      • Speaker doesn't know A
                      • Speaker doesn't know B
                      • Speaker doesn't know C

                      Source: @cite{geurts-2010} p.61-64

                      • disjunction : String

                        The disjunctive statement

                      • disjuncts : List String

                        List of disjuncts

                      • ignoranceInferences : List String

                        Ignorance inferences (one per disjunct)

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                          Three-way disjunction example. Source: @cite{geurts-2010} p.61

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                            Four-way disjunction example.

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                              Cases where ignorance inference is blocked or cancelled.

                              • context : String

                                The context or construction

                              • sentence : String

                                Example sentence

                              • ignoranceBlocked : Bool

                                Is ignorance blocked?

                              • explanation : String

                                Explanation

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                                  Explicit knowledge blocks ignorance.

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                                    Rhetorical questions don't trigger ignorance.

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                                      Embedded disjunction under belief.

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                                        All blocking examples.

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                                          Interaction between disjunction ignorance and quantifiers.

                                          • sentence : String

                                            The sentence

                                          • quantifierScope : String

                                            Quantifier scope

                                          • inference : String

                                            Ignorance inference

                                          • notes : String

                                            Notes on the reading

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                                              Disjunction in scope of universal.

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                                                Disjunction scoping over universal.

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                                                  Positional Asymmetry in Disjunction Interpretation #

                                                  @cite{chierchia-2013} "Logic in Grammar" Ch.1 observes that the same lexical material yields different preferred readings based on structural position:

                                                  PositionPolarityPreferred Reading
                                                  Consequent of conditionalUEExclusive
                                                  Antecedent of conditionalDEInclusive
                                                  Scope of "every"UEExclusive
                                                  Restrictor of "every"DEInclusive
                                                  Positive sentenceUEExclusive
                                                  Negative sentenceDEInclusive

                                                  The Core Pattern #

                                                  UE contexts: exclusive reading preferred

                                                  DE contexts: inclusive reading preferred

                                                  Explanation via Maximize Strength #

                                                  The asymmetry follows from the Maximize Strength principle:

                                                  When the exclusive SI is not computed, the inclusive reading emerges.

                                                  Type of disjunction interpretation.

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                                                      Structural position of the disjunction.

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                                                          Example showing exclusive/inclusive asymmetry.

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                                                                          All exclusive/inclusive examples.

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                                                                            Forcing Non-Preferred Readings #

                                                                            While polarity determines the default reading, context can force the non-preferred interpretation:

                                                                            Forcing Inclusive in UE (harder) #

                                                                            "If everything goes well, we'll hire Mary or Sue, or both."

                                                                            Forcing Exclusive in DE (harder) #

                                                                            "If we hire Mary or Sue but not both, everything will go well."

                                                                            The observation: forcing requires explicit marking. The unmarked reading follows from Maximize Strength.

                                                                            Example of forcing a non-preferred reading.

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                                                                                    Universal Free Choice Items #

                                                                                    Universal FCIs like English "any" and Italian "qualunque" contrast with existential FCIs (irgendein, yek-i, vreun) handled in @cite{alonso-ovalle-moghiseh-2025}:

                                                                                    FCI TypeBase ForceExamplesMorphological Hints
                                                                                    Existentialirgendein, yek-i, vreunOften contains "one"
                                                                                    Universalany, qualunque, whateverOften wh-based

                                                                                    Chierchia's analysis #

                                                                                    Both FCI types have the same underlying existential semantics. The universal force of "any" emerges from obligatory exhaustification of domain alternatives.

                                                                                    The "any" Distribution #

                                                                                    1. NPI use (DE contexts): "I didn't see any students"

                                                                                      • In DE, exhaustification is vacuous (domain alts are entailed)
                                                                                      • Result: plain existential reading
                                                                                    2. FC use (modal contexts): "You may read any book"

                                                                                      • Under modal, domain alts yield free choice
                                                                                      • Result: universal-like permission
                                                                                    3. Generic use: "Any owl hunts mice" (subtrigging)

                                                                                      • Generic contexts license FC reading
                                                                                      • Result: universal generalization

                                                                                    Why "any" Fails in Positive Episodic Contexts #

                                                                                    "*There are any cookies"

                                                                                    Exhaustifying domain alternatives in UE episodic contexts yields contradiction:

                                                                                    With two witnesses d₁, d₂: the second clause requires that for any d satisfying P, some other y also satisfies P. Combined with the first clause, this leads to infinite regress/contradiction for finite domains.

                                                                                    Contrast with "some" #

                                                                                    "Some" has the same alternatives as "any", but they are optional. When not activated (low relevance), "some" = plain existential. "Any" must activate alternatives, hence the restricted distribution.

                                                                                    Universal FCI: existential with obligatorily active domain alternatives.

                                                                                    • baseIsExistential : Bool

                                                                                      Base meaning is existential

                                                                                    • obligatoryDomainAlts : Bool

                                                                                      Domain alternatives are always active (not relevance-gated)

                                                                                    • modalRescue : Bool

                                                                                      Can be rescued via modal insertion

                                                                                    • genericRescue : Bool

                                                                                      Can be rescued via generic/subtrigging

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                                                                                      Context type for determining Universal FCI distribution.

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                                                                                        @[implicit_reducible]
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                                                                                          Surface reading available to a Universal FCI.

                                                                                          Subset of the broader EFCI reading taxonomy: UFCIs only ever yield plain existential (NPI use, no exhaustification effect) or free choice (via modal/generic rescue). Uniqueness, modal variation, and epistemic ignorance are existential-FCI-specific readings.

                                                                                          • plainExistential : UFCIReading

                                                                                            Plain existential (NPI use in DE contexts)

                                                                                          • freeChoice : UFCIReading

                                                                                            Free choice (modal/generic rescue)

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                                                                                              In DE contexts, exhaustifying "any"'s alternatives yields entailments, so the exhaustification is vacuous and "any" = plain existential.

                                                                                              This explains the NPI distribution of "any".

                                                                                              "I didn't see any students" ≡ "I didn't see a student"

                                                                                              The "any" contributes no special meaning in DE contexts.

                                                                                              Under modals, "any" yields free choice via exhaustification.

                                                                                              "You may read any book" = For each book x, you may read x

                                                                                              Modal insertion is the rescue mechanism for Universal FCIs.

                                                                                              "*There are any cookies" is ungrammatical.

                                                                                              Domain alternative exhaustification in UE episodic context yields contradiction.

                                                                                              The failure mechanism: exhaustification is G-contradictory. (See Core.Analyticity for G-triviality/L-analyticity)

                                                                                              An "any" distribution example.

                                                                                              • sentence : String
                                                                                              • context : UFCIContext
                                                                                              • grammatical : Bool
                                                                                              • reading : Option String
                                                                                              • notes : String
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