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Linglib.Phenomena.Phonology.Studies.SandeClemDabkowski2026

Sande, Clem & Dąbkowski (2026): Discontinuous vowel harmony in Guébie #

@cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026}

@cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} introduce the phenomenon of discontinuous harmony: a long-distance ATR-harmony pattern in Guébie (a Kru language of Côte d'Ivoire) where the trigger and target are separated by intervening non-transparent (harmony-eligible) segments. The pattern arises in particle-verb focus-fronting constructions; the analysis is local harmony followed by syntactic movement that pulls the harmonized element away from its trigger.

Empirical core (the table at §6.1, (44)) #

word orderparticle-verb harmony?verb spelled out in vP?
SVOPart××
SAuxOPartV
PartSVO××
PartSAuxOV

Harmony applies iff V is spelled out inside vP — independent of the surface adjacency between V and the particle. In PartSAuxOV, predicate fronting separates them on the surface, but V was inside vP at the moment of vP-spell-out (when local harmony applied).

The analysis #

  1. Predicate fronting is remnant-VP movement (extending @cite{koopman-1997}'s Vata/Nweh analysis). The particle is the only overt element left in the remnant after V has moved through v to T and the object has shifted out (where applicable).

  2. vP and CP are spell-out phases. Following the cyclic spell-out of @cite{newell-2008} / @cite{chomsky-2001}, vP is spelled out upon Merge of C; CP is spelled out at the end.

  3. Local harmony in vP. ATR harmony is a vP-domain cophonology (per @cite{sande-jenks-inkelas-2020}'s Cophonologies-by-Phrase architecture, formalized in CophonologyByPhrase.lean): when V and Part are both spelled out in vP, harmony applies; when only Part is in the vP-spell-out, no trigger is present and Part surfaces with its default −ATR value.

  4. Frozen ATR survives later movement. Once the particle has harmonized to V's ATR value at vP-spell-out, the value persists through subsequent A′-fronting of the remnant VP into Spec,CP (Cyclic-Linearization-style preservation — Minimalist.Linearization.frozenValue).

  5. Strict PIC is rejected. For step 4 to work, already-spelled-out material must remain accessible to later syntactic operations (here, A′-movement of the remnant containing the particle). SCD 2026 §6.2 rejects both PIC₁ (@cite{chomsky-2000}) and PIC₂ (@cite{chomsky-2001}) in favor of a Cyclic-Linearization-bounded regime — PICStrength.linearizationBound in Phase.lean.

What this study file establishes #

For each of the four word orders, the file:

The Wolof relative-clause parallel (§7) is added as a sister construction with the same architectural shape; the Atchan nasal-harmony case (§7) is recorded as an open question with sparse data — Russell, p.c.

Verified preliminaries (rejected alternatives) #

@cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} §5 argues that purely phonological theories of harmony predict strict locality and so cannot derive the discontinuous pattern. The file does not formally simulate each rejected theory (autosegmental @cite{clements-1985}, gestural @cite{gafos-1998}, ABC @cite{rose-walker-2004}), but cross-references their formalizations elsewhere in linglib — Phenomena/Phonology/Studies/RoseWalker2004.lean, Phenomena/Phonology/Studies/Hansson2010.lean, Phenomena/Phonology/Studies/Sagey1986.lean — and notes how each predicts the observed locality bound that SCD 2026 demonstrates is empirically violated.

Architectural notes #

Substrate consumed (additions landed in this same overhaul):

Per-language Guébie data lives entirely in this file (no Fragments/Guebie/), per CLAUDE.md "per-language paper-specific data lives in Studies, not Fragments".

Guébie vowel inventory (@cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} (1)) #

+ATR:  ə  e  i  o  u
-ATR:  a  ɛ  ɪ  ɔ  ʊ

Vowels harmonize as a binary +/−ATR feature within a morpheme; affixes agree with the root (@cite{sande-2017}, @cite{sande-2019}, @cite{sande-2022}). Particles in particle-verb constructions inherit the ATR value of the verb root when both are inside the same spell-out domain — this is the discontinuous-harmony observation.

We do not enumerate the full vowel inventory here; for the Table 44 result we only need a per-terminal ATR value.

@[reducible, inline]

The ATR feature value carried by a phonological terminal. +ATR = true, −ATR = false.

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    The default ATR value for the particle when no vowel-harmony trigger is present in its spell-out domain. @cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} §2.5 — particles surface with their lexical (typically -ATR) value when not local to a harmony trigger.

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      The four particle-verb word orders that diagnose discontinuous harmony (@cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} (44), §6.1).

      • SVOPart : WordOrder

        S V O Part: V moves to T; Part stays in vP; clause-final.

      • SAuxOPartV : WordOrder

        S Aux O Part V: V stays in v (Aux occupies T); both V and Part in vP at vP-spell-out.

      • PartSVO : WordOrder

        Part S V O: V moves to T; Part fronts to Spec,CP from vP.

      • PartSAuxOV : WordOrder

        Part S Aux O V: V stays in v; remnant VP (containing Part) fronts to Spec,CP.

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        @[implicit_reducible]
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          The terminals spelled out within vP for each word order (@cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} (45)/(48)). The decisive difference: SAuxOPartV and PartSAuxOV keep V inside vP at spell-out (V hasn't raised past v), while SVOPart and PartSVO have V already in T at vP-spell-out, leaving only Part inside vP.

          The object has independently shifted out of vP in all four derivations (per @cite{koopman-1997}-style remnant-VP analysis, extended in §4 of the paper), so it does not appear here.

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            The terminals introduced or first linearized at the CP-phase spell-out. Each terminal is spelled out at exactly one phase per Cyclic Linearization, unless it has moved between phases — in which case the higher phase's linearization positions it again, consistently with the lower phase's statements (Order Preservation).

            • In SVOPart and SAuxOPartV, the Part stays inside vP and appears only in vPSpellOut, not here.
            • In PartSVO and PartSAuxOV, the Part has fronted to Spec,CP and so appears at the left edge of cpSpellOut (in addition to its base position in vPSpellOut).
            • The verb V appears here only when it has moved to T (i.e., in SVOPart and PartSVO); when V stays in v (the SAuxOV cases), it remains inside vP.
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              Cyclic-Linearization derivation: the two-phase spell-out for a given word order.

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                PartSVO: V in T, Part fronts. Consistent under Cyclic-Linearization (no contradiction with vP-internal order).

                PartSAuxOV: V in v, remnant VP fronts. Consistent. The crucial derivation for discontinuous harmony — Part is local to V at vP-spell-out, and the linearization remains coherent after fronting.

                Harmony applies iff the trigger V is spelled out within vP. Independent of the linear adjacency between V and Part at the surface. The target Part is by stipulation always inside vP at vP-spell-out (it's the Part of a particle-verb construction; even when it later fronts, it starts in vP), so the trigger presence is the only varying condition.

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                  The decisive empirical theorem: SCD 2026 Table 44, decided structurally. Harmony applies in exactly the two SAuxOV-shape derivations — the ones where V hasn't raised past v.

                  Discontinuous harmony at one glance: in PartSAuxOV, Part is surface-non-local to V (the subject, auxiliary, and object intervene at CP-spell-out), yet harmony applies.

                  The ATR value frozen at vP-spell-out for PartSAuxOV: when V is +ATR (e.g. /joku/), Part inherits +ATR via local vP-internal harmony. This is the freezing event.

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                    After remnant-VP fronting at the CP-phase spell-out, no new ATR assignments are issued for Part — the value is preserved.

                    @cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026}'s commitment: the PIC mode for Guébie discontinuous harmony is linearizationBound — already spelled-out material remains accessible to later syntax. Strict PIC₁ or PIC₂ would block the remnant-VP movement of the particle after its ATR value has been frozen.

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                      Under the Guébie PIC mode, every phase admits extraction of any goal at the phasehood layer; concrete crashes come from SpelloutAndCheck instead. The four-derivation theorem above confirms no derivation crashes.

                      @cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} §3 establishes via island sensitivity (their (27)–(30)) that Guébie predicate-fronting verb doubling is narrow-syntactic, not PF dislocation. This positions Guébie alongside @cite{harizanov-gribanova-2019}'s Russian as a positive instance of VerbDoublingIsSyntactic — and against @cite{landau-2006}'s Hebrew analysis (which makes verb doubling PF-driven).

                      The previous formulation as a universal axiom was inconsistent
                      with Landau's Hebrew analysis; the SCD 2026 paper is the trigger
                      for the substrate refactor in
                      `HarizanovGribanova2019Amalgamation.lean`.
                      
                      We register Guébie as a positive instance via a `RemnantFronting`
                      witness with a `PredicateDoubling` extension. The structural data
                      is schematic (we use `Minimalist.SyntacticObject.leaf` placeholders
                      for V and the fronted XP rather than a concrete tree) — this is
                      consistent with the rest of the file's spell-out-list abstraction.
                      What it does establish is that the substrate is *usable*: the
                      `properRemnant` predicate is decidable on the witness. 
                      

                      The Guébie predicate-fronting witness: V evacuates the VP, and the remnant VP fronts to Spec,CP. The trace is pronounced — verb doubling.

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                        The witness is a proper remnant: the evacuated verb originally sat inside the fronted VP (true by construction here, since frontedVP = node verb verb).

                        Guébie's vP cophonology as a PhrasalCophonology instance #

                        The vP-domain ATR-harmony cophonology of @cite{sande-jenks-inkelas-2020} applied to Guébie. The phase selector matches v heads (per the v* phase head of Chomsky 2000); the constraint subranking is left abstract here (it would be [ATRHARM ≫ IDENT-IO(ATR)] over the candidate type the OT machinery uses, which we don't instantiate inline).

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                          The Guébie vP-cophonology bundle. The subranking is left as an empty list of constraints over Unit candidates because the ATR-harmony cophonology's actual constraints live in Theories/Phonology/Process/Harmony/OT.lean and would require threading the OT-candidate type through this study file — out of scope. The substrate use is exhibited by the bundle's existence and the matched-phase predicate appliesTo.

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                            theorem Phenomena.Phonology.Studies.SandeClemDabkowski2026.guebieVPCophonology_applies_to_v :
                            have vTok := { item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.simple Minimalist.Cat.v [], id := 99 }; have vHead := Minimalist.SyntacticObject.leaf vTok; have vPhase := { head := vHead, complement := vHead, edge := vHead }; guebieVPCophonology.appliesTo vPhase = true

                            The Guébie vP-cophonology applies to a v head. (Witness: a leaf SO whose token's category is .v.)

                            Guébie as a positive instance of VerbDoublingIsSyntactic #

                            @cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} §3 provides three independent diagnostics that the Guébie verb-doubling movement is narrow-syntactic: successive cyclicity (their (25)–(26)), island sensitivity ((27)–(28)), and creates-island effects ((29)–(30)). On the basis of this evidence, we register the Guébie predicate-fronting case as a positive instance of HarizanovGribanova2019.Amalgamation.VerbDoublingIsSyntactic.

                            The Lean statement uses the MCB-aligned VerbDoublingIsSyntacticIn (see HarizanovGribanova2019Amalgamation.lean), which takes a Derivation and asks whether the verb is among the movedItems of the derivation. Per MCB §1.4.3.1, Internal Merge IS the syntactic mechanism that produces surface verb doubling via PF copy/trace pronunciation rules — the verb appears once in the syntactic tree (deeper copy as mkTrace), but PF rules pronounce both.

                            A schematic Guébie Derivation: the verb undergoes Internal Merge in the predicate-fronting derivation (per SCD 2026 §3 island diagnostics establishing this is narrow-syntactic, not PF).

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                              Guébie predicate-fronting verb doubling registered as a positive instance of VerbDoublingIsSyntacticIn: the verb is among guebieFrontingDerivation.movedItems.

                              Decidable from the Derivation structure (no sorry). This discharges the audit's outstanding sorry for Guébie VDIS.

                              Wolof shows the same architectural shape as Guébie discontinuous harmony, in a relative-clause construction (@cite{sy-2005}, @cite{martinovic-2019}). The head noun starts local to the distal demonstrative inside DP; both spell out together with local ATR harmony applying; the head noun then A′-moves to the left edge of the relative clause; intervening stative-verb material does not harmonize.

                              • localDP : WolofRelClauseShape

                                Local DP, harmony applies (no relative clause): [DP head dem] — head and dem in the same spell-out domain.

                              • relClause : WolofRelClauseShape

                                Relative clause, harmony at distance: head … [stative-V] … dem — head fronted out of DP, but its ATR is set inside the DP-phase before fronting.

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                                    Both Wolof shapes have the head and demonstrative spelled out together at the DP-phase spell-out — predicting harmony in both, consistent with @cite{sy-2005}'s data. The discontinuous appearance in the relative-clause case is post-spell-out movement, not a different harmony mechanism.

                                    @cite{russell-2023} reports a parallel pattern in Atchan nasal harmony: a nasal singular subject pronoun triggers nasal harmony on auxiliaries and the verb; in verb-doubling focus constructions, the higher copy of the verb (in focus position) also surfaces nasal even though it is not surface-local to the nasal subject pronoun.

                                    The data are sparse (a single personal-communication example,
                                    SCD 2026 (51)) and the Atchan verb-doubling syntax is not yet
                                    independently established as narrow-syntactic. Recorded here as
                                    an open question.
                                    
                                    TODO: Atchan formalization waits on independent syntactic
                                    diagnostics for verb doubling (the analogue of SCD §3 for
                                    Guébie).