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Linglib.Phenomena.Focus.Studies.DeoThomas2025

Where the alternatives for just come from. Roothian alternatives are the standard focus-semantic alternatives; the other sources are what distinguish just from only.

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      @[implicit_reducible]
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      structure DeoThomas2025.DiscourseContext (W : Type u_1) :
      Type u_1

      A discourse context provides construals of an underspecified question (UQ) together with Quality and Relevance filters.

      Construals are Questions (sets of alternative propositions), matching the paper's definition (30)-(31): questions are sets of propositions that cover the common ground. This is more faithful than using partitions (QUD), since the paper explicitly notes that granularity-based construals generally cannot be ordered by question entailment (fn. 20).

      W is the world type.

      • construals : List (Core.Question W)

        The available construals of UQ_c

      • quality : Core.Question WBool

        Does the speaker have sufficient evidence to answer this question?

      • relevance : Core.Question WBool

        Is this question relevant to the current discourse?

      • nonempty : self.construals []

        There must be at least one construal

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        def DeoThomas2025.answerable {W : Type u_1} (ctx : DiscourseContext W) (q : Core.Question W) :
        Bool

        A question is answerable iff it passes both Quality and Relevance (34).

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          OPT_c(Q) (@cite{deo-thomas-2025} (35)): the optimal question in a set of construals.

          q is the widest answerable construal: it is answerable, it is in the construal set, and no strictly wider answerable construal exists.

          Width is measured by Core.Question.widerThan ((32)), the paper's comparison of question inquisitivity — explicitly weaker than G&S question entailment (fn. 20), because granularity-based construals generally cannot be ordered by entailment strength.

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            Classify a discourse context by WHY the widest answerable construal is optimal. Connects to Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.ContextType.

            • (37a) answerable: all construals are answerable → CQ = widest overall
            • (37b) qualityFail: some construal fails Quality (speaker lacks evidence)
            • (37c) relevanceFail: some construal fails Relevance (not discourse-relevant)
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              Only can replace just exactly when the alternatives are Roothian (complement-exclusion and rank-order). Verified against all empirical data.

              only is felicitous only with Roothian alternatives (shared CQ). just is felicitous regardless of alternative source. This is WHY they diverge: only exhaustifies over shared alternatives, just widens the question.

              theorem DeoThomas2025.all_flavors_attested :
              (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.complementExclusion) = true (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.rankOrder) = true (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.emphatic) = true (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.precisifyingEquality) = true (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.precisifyingProximity) = true (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.minimalSufficiency) = true (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.unexplanatory) = true (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.unelaboratory) = true (Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.allJustData.any fun (d : Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustDatum) => d.flavor == Phenomena.Focus.Exclusives.JustFlavor.counterexpectational) = true

              All 9 JustFlavor constructors are attested in the empirical data.

              WXDY's incredulity arises from a normative expectation violation: the situation violates what the speaker considers normal/appropriate. This is the same alternative source as counterexpectational just ("He's just texting during the lecture!").

              • WXDY: "What's this fly doing in my soup?" — violates dining norms
              • just: "He's just texting during the lecture!" — violates classroom norms
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                WXDY's incongruity and counterexpectational just share the same alternative source: both involve normative expectations being violated.

                Partition refinement implies question width #

                The paper's central formal insight: finer granularity produces wider questions. At the partition level, "finer" is QUD.refines (every fine cell ⊆ some coarse cell), equivalently q.toSetoid ≤ q'.toSetoid in mathlib's Setoid lattice. At the issue level, "wider" is Core.Question.widerThan (@cite{deo-thomas-2025} (32): same info, no coarse answer ⊊ fine answer, some fine answer ⊊ coarse answer). The bridge: toIssue := Core.Question.fromSetoidQUD.toSetoid preserves this relationship.

                The proof is an order-theoretic one-liner over Setoid: every alternative of Core.Question.fromSetoid r is either or an equivalence class of r (alt_fromSetoid_subset_classes), and the q-class of w₀ is contained in the q'-class of w₀ by refinement, with v₀ witnessing strict containment. This replaces a 100-line Bool/List proof that managed indices into worlds : List W and case-split on properlyContains.

                def DeoThomas2025.toIssue {W : Type u_2} (q : QUD W) :

                A QUD partitions a meaning space via an equivalence relation; via QUD.toSetoid and Core.Question.fromSetoid, every QUD induces an inquisitive content whose alternatives are exactly the QUD's equivalence classes. The bridge is one-way: not every Core.Question arises from a QUD (mention-some, intermediate-exhaustive, and conditional-question alternatives are non-disjoint or non-exhaustive and so are not representable as the cells of any equivalence relation — @cite{theiler-etal-2018}).

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                  theorem DeoThomas2025.refinement_implies_wider {W : Type u_2} (q q' : QUD W) (hRefines : q.refines q') (w₀ v₀ : W) (hCoarse : q'.r w₀ v₀) (hFine : ¬q.r w₀ v₀) :

                  Strict partition refinement implies issue width.

                  If q (strictly) refines q' (q is the finer partition), then toIssue q is wider than toIssue q' as Core.Questions.

                  The strictness witnesses w₀, v₀ : W share a coarse cell (q'.r w₀ v₀) but not a fine cell (¬ q.r w₀ v₀); they witness condition (c).

                  The proof establishes the three conditions of Core.Question.widerThan:

                  • (a) Same info: both fromSetoid-derived issues have info = univ.
                  • (b) No q'-alternative is properly contained in any q-alternative: alternatives are classes (or ); under refinement, classes only widen as we go from the finer to the coarser setoid, so the reverse containment is impossible.
                  • (c) Some q-alternative properly contained in some q'-alternative: witnessed by the q-class and q'-class of w₀, with v₀ showing the inclusion is strict.

                  The full chain: finer granularity → wider question #

                  Composes the two independently proved steps:

                  1. finer_granularity_refines (from Theories.Semantics.Degree.Granularity): if ε₁ ∣ ε₂, the ε₁-partition refines the ε₂-partition
                  2. refinement_implies_wider (proved above): strict partition refinement → issue width

                  This is the formal content of the lexical entry (36): just selects the widest answerable construal, which — when alternatives vary by granularity — is the finest one the speaker can answer.

                  theorem DeoThomas2025.finer_granularity_implies_wider (n ε₁ ε₂ : ) (hdvd : ε₁ ε₂) (w₀ v₀ : Fin n) (hCoarse : (Semantics.Degree.Granularity.granQUD n ε₂).r w₀ v₀) (hFine : ¬(Semantics.Degree.Granularity.granQUD n ε₁).r w₀ v₀) :

                  The complete granularity–width chain (@cite{deo-thomas-2025} §3.1.2–3.2).

                  If ε₁ divides ε₂ (finer grain) and there exist worlds that share a coarse cell but not a fine cell, then the fine-grained question is strictly wider than the coarse-grained question.

                  This is the general version of Figure 1: any uniform-grain-width scale satisfies the width relation when grain widths are divisible.

                  def DeoThomas2025.fig1Worlds :
                  List (Fin 8)

                  The 8-point age scale from Figure 1 (@cite{deo-thomas-2025}).

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                    Coarse granularity: 2 cells of 4 (e.g., "younger half" vs "older half"). Worlds 0–3 share one answer, worlds 4–7 share another.

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                      Fine granularity: 4 cells of 2 (e.g., {0,1}, {2,3}, {4,5}, {6,7}). Each pair of adjacent worlds shares an answer.

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                        Figure 1's partitions are instances of the general granQUD.

                        Fine strictly refines coarse: knowing the fine answer determines the coarse answer, but not vice versa (0 and 2 share a coarse cell but not a fine cell).

                        Figure 1 via the general granularity–width theorem. The fine 4-cell partition produces a wider issue than the coarse 2-cell partition over the 8-point domain.

                        Witnessed by worlds 0 and 2: they share a coarse cell (0/4 = 2/4 = 0) but not a fine cell (0/2 = 0 ≠ 2/2 = 1).