Thomas (2026): Probabilistic, question-based additivity #
@cite{thomas-2026} @cite{ciardelli-groenendijk-roelofsen-2018} @cite{frank-goodman-2012}
Formalisation of @cite{thomas-2026} "A probabilistic, question-based
approach to additivity" (S&P 19:1). The paper unifies the canonical
additive use of too with a previously unstudied "argument-building
use" by formalising felicity in terms of Bayesian inquisitive
answerhood — Def 62 of the paper. The substrate primitives
(Answers, IsResolutionEvidencedBy, evidencesResolutionMore)
live in Theories/Semantics/Questions/Probabilistic.lean; this file
encodes Def 64 (TOO felicity) and the abstract consequences that
account for the empirical contrasts in §3 and §4.
Def 64: TOO(π) felicity #
TOO(π) is felicitous iff there exists a contextually relevant
question RQ and an antecedent fact ANT such that:
- Antecedent:
ANTAnswersRQ. - Conjunction:
ANT ∩ ⟦π⟧AnswersRQ, and the resolution evidenced byANT ∩ ⟦π⟧is evidenced more strongly by it than byANTalone. - Prejacent (i):
⟦π⟧does not entail the resolution evidenced byANT ∩ ⟦π⟧. - Prejacent (ii): for every proper superset
S ⊋ ⟦π⟧, the resolution is evidenced more strongly byANT ∩ ⟦π⟧than byANT ∩ S.
(i) prevents too from being felicitous when the prejacent already entails the answer suggested by the conjunction (the @cite{beaver-clark-2008} ecstatic case (29a)). (ii) prevents too from being felicitous when a weaker prejacent would do (the "some-instrument vs cello" case (30)).
TOO felicity (@cite{thomas-2026} Def 64) #
TOO(π) felicity in the sense of @cite{thomas-2026} Def 64. The
five conditions are bundled below as a structure so consumers
can project them by name.
- antecedent_answers : Semantics.Questions.Probabilistic.Answers antecedent rq μ
Def 64a: the antecedent answers the relevant question.
- conjunction_answers : Semantics.Questions.Probabilistic.Answers (antecedent ∩ prejacent) rq μ
Def 64b (first half): the conjunction answers the relevant question.
- conjunction_stronger : ∃ (𝒜 : Set (Set W)), Semantics.Questions.Probabilistic.IsResolutionEvidencedBy rq 𝒜 (antecedent ∩ prejacent) μ ∧ Semantics.Questions.Probabilistic.evidencesResolutionMore μ 𝒜 (antecedent ∩ prejacent) antecedent
Def 64b (second half): the conjunction evidences its resolution more strongly than the antecedent alone does.
- prejacent_not_entails (𝒜 : Set (Set W)) : Semantics.Questions.Probabilistic.IsResolutionEvidencedBy rq 𝒜 (antecedent ∩ prejacent) μ → ¬prejacent ⊆ ⋂₀ 𝒜
Def 64c.i: the prejacent does not by itself entail the resolution that the conjunction evidences.
- prejacent_minimal (S : Set W) : prejacent ⊆ S → S ≠ prejacent → ∀ (𝒜 : Set (Set W)), Semantics.Questions.Probabilistic.IsResolutionEvidencedBy rq 𝒜 (antecedent ∩ prejacent) μ → Semantics.Questions.Probabilistic.evidencesResolutionMore μ 𝒜 (antecedent ∩ prejacent) (antecedent ∩ S)
Def 64c.ii: no proper weakening
S ⊋ prejacentwould license the same resolution as well as the prejacent does.
Instances For
Abstract consequences #
TOO felicity entails that the antecedent puts positive prior mass:
a direct corollary of Answers.probOfSet_pos applied to the
antecedent condition.
TOO felicity entails that the conjunction puts positive prior mass — same corollary applied to the conjunction condition.
TOO felicity entails that the conjunction is genuinely stronger
evidence than the antecedent alone (the @cite{thomas-2026} §4.4
intuition that too marks a strict improvement). The witness
𝒜 from the conjunction-stronger field exhibits this.
RQ vs CQ — the contextual-relevance layer (@cite{thomas-2026} §5.4.3, §5.5) #
The RQ in IsTooFelicitous need not be a Current Question (CQ) in
the discourse tree — it only needs to be relevant to one (the DQ
or some other in-scope question). This generalization is what
licenses too in cases like (45c) [implicit RQ] and (71) [single
wh-answer to multiple-wh CQ]. The relevance check uses
Probabilistic.IsRelevantTo (Def 61).
TOO licensed by an RQ that is in turn relevant to some discourse
question DQ. This is the full felicity condition (@cite{thomas-2026}
Def 64) — IsTooFelicitous itself only constrains rq, but the
paper requires rq to be Relevant to some dq in the discourse
tree.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Predicted infelicity #
If the RQ does not satisfy the felicity conditions for any candidate in the discourse, too is predicted infelicitous. Two characteristic infelicity patterns from §5.5:
@cite{thomas-2026} §5.5 (ex 72): if no contextually relevant rq
has the prejacent providing additional evidence beyond the
antecedent, too is infelicitous. The infelicity is captured by
the absence of any felicitous RQ for the given (prejacent, ant).
Equations
- Phenomena.AdditiveParticles.Thomas2026.IsTooInfelicitous prejacent antecedent μ = ∀ (rq : Core.Question W), ¬Phenomena.AdditiveParticles.Thomas2026.IsTooFelicitous prejacent antecedent rq μ
Instances For
@cite{thomas-2026} §5.5.1 (ex 75): if a single wh-answer (e.g.,
"Bailey ate spaghetti") is offered against a multiple-wh CQ
(e.g., "Who ate what?") whose resolutions specify what every
salient individual ate, no rq over alt(CQ) satisfies the
Conjunction Condition because the antecedent alone (e.g., "Avery
ate pizza") doesn't constrain Bailey. Too is infelicitous unless
the CQ is reinterpreted (cf. ex 77, where multiple-wh admits a
mention-some single-pair reading).
Equations
- Phenomena.AdditiveParticles.Thomas2026.IsTooInfelicitousAgainstCQ prejacent antecedent cq μ = ¬Phenomena.AdditiveParticles.Thomas2026.IsTooFelicitous prejacent antecedent cq μ
Instances For
Empirical predictions catalog #
The proposal accounts for the following data from the paper. Each entry pairs a numbered example with the structural reason it is licensed (✓) or predicted infelicitous (✗). Worked numerical formalisations are deferred to per-example study artifacts.
Argument-building uses (§3, §5.3) #
(1a)/(14a)/(65) ✓ "Good thing she did too" — hotel-style RQ ("How much has Ernie helped Iree?"); ANT and ANT∩π each raise the probability of "Ernie helped Iree a great deal" but ANT∩π raises it more.
(1b)/(14b) ✓ "The fine is a hefty one too" — RQ "How much should I worry about traffic enforcement?".
(1c)/(14c)/(65) ✓ "It looks kind of fancy too" (hotel) — see Thomas §5.3 worked derivation.
Canonical additive uses (§5.4) #
(10)/(21) ✓ "I like spaghetti, too" (after "I like pizza") — the canonical case; ANT entails one alt of "What do you like?", ANT∩π entails another.
(68) ✓ "She invited Dana, too" — single mention-some answer combined with prior partial answer.
(69) ✓ "I like spaghetti, too" — antecedent doesn't entail an alternative but provides probabilistic evidence (§5.4.1).
(70) ✓ "She invited Ellis, too" — mention-all RQ, Quantity implicature handles the "no other invitee" inference (§5.4.2).
(71) ✓ "She invited Cameron, too" against multiple-wh "Who are some people Avery invited?" — implicit single-wh RQ "Who is someone that Avery invited?" satisfies the felicity conditions (§5.4.3).
Predicted infelicity (§5.5) #
(15a-c) ✗ Argument-reversal: "It was a bad thing she did, #too" — no RQ relevant to discourse goals such that ANT∩π evidences a resolution; the prejacent argues against the antecedent.
(29a)/(73) ✗ "Sam is happy. #He's ecstatic, too" — Prejacent Condition (i) violated: ⟦π⟧ = ecstatic entails "Sam is happy" = resolution evidenced by ANT∩π.
(29b) ✗ "Sam stole the cookies, #too" (after fingerprints) — same Prejacent (i) violation.
(30)/(74) ✗ "Bailey plays the cello, #too" against "Who plays an instrument?" — Prejacent Condition (ii) violated: a weaker prejacent ("Bailey plays an instrument") would license the same resolution.
(40)/(75) ✗ "Bailey ate spaghetti, #too" against multiple-wh "Who ate what?" with both individuals presupposed to have eaten — Conjunction Condition fails because ANT does not constrain Bailey.
(72) ✗ "Dogs are mammals, too" — ANT∩π provides no information about the existing CQ alternatives.
Other distributional facts (§5.5.2) #
(78)/(79) ✓ Narrow scope under negation: too under negation scopes its prejacent to the positive proposition.
(80) ✓ Subordinate-clause use: prejacent is the subordinate clause.
(81) ✓ Polar-question scope.
(82)–(85) ✓ Wh-question domain restriction (Theiler 2019); felicity requires the variable in the prejacent to be properly bound.