Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.Amato2025

@cite{amato-2025} — Filler-gap case studies via Nested Agree #

@cite{amato-2025} (NLLT) §4.2.3 extends Nested Agree from Agree features to Merge features, deriving order-preserving multiple wh-fronting in Bulgarian (and Romanian) from a probe stack on C where the Merge probe [•wh•] is restricted by Nested Agree to the last goal of the prior Agree probe [*wh*]. This file collects the Amato-2025 case studies whose primary phenomenon is filler-gap dependency formation.

Currently only the Bulgarian case (§4.2.3) lands here. Other filler-gap-adjacent Amato-2025 material (none in the published §4) would land in this file as additional sub-namespaces.

Cross-domain validation thesis #

NestedAgreeConfig was originally designed against an Agree-feature case (Italian aux selection). Bulgarian uses Merge features — formally identical at the abstract layer (a probe is a probe), but linguistically distinct (movement vs valuation). That the same NestedAgreeConfig shape models Bulgarian without API changes validates the abstraction's neutrality between Agree and Merge.

Out of scope #

The Bulgarian formalization captures the structural Nested-Agree restriction on the Merge probe — the central §4.2.3 claim that post-Agree Merge is constrained to the prior Agree's last goal. It does not capture:

Honest scope: we prove that Nested Agree's matryoshka excludes wh-sbj from the Merge probe's truncated domain at the relevant derivational step. The full multi-step Bulgarian fronting derivation is future work.

Part A: Bulgarian multiple wh-fronting (Amato §4.2.3) #

Bulgarian permits (and requires) multiple wh-phrases to front to the left periphery, in order-preserving fashion: when a sentence has both a wh-subject and a wh-object, the surface order is wh-sbj > wh-obj matching base-merge order, not the order standard minimality would predict (which would require wh-sbj first regardless of base order).

@cite{amato-2025} §4.2.3 derives order-preservation from Nested Agree applied to Merge features:

  1. C bears [*wh*] ≻ [•wh•] — Agree feature first, Merge feature second.
  2. [*wh*] undergoes Multiple Agree: hits wh-sbj first (closest), then extends to wh-obj. Last goal: wh-obj.
  3. [•wh•] by Nested Agree must target the same goal as the prior probe → wh-obj. wh-obj raises to inner Spec,C.
  4. (Out of scope) [•wh•] re-discharges; finds wh-sbj; raises it to outer Spec,C. Surface: outer Spec,C > inner Spec,C → wh-sbj > wh-obj.

This file formalizes step (3): the structural Nested-Agree restriction on the Merge probe. The wh-sbj is in C's c-command (probe 0's domain) but excluded from wh-obj's daughters (probe 1's truncated domain). This is the same apparent_intervener_excluded structure that applied to Italian DPsubj, Icelandic DPdat, and Lak Erg — modulo the Agree-vs-Merge distinction at the consumer level.

Bulgarian multi-wh configuration at the relevant derivational step (post-Multiple-Agree, pre-movement). Pre-movement tree: C [wh-sbj [V wh-obj]], goal = wh-obj (the last token Multiple Agree reached, what Nested Agree forces the Merge probe to also target). The Agree-vs-Merge distinction between probes 0 and 1 is implicit in the linguistic interpretation, not in the abstract config.

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    Apparent wh-subject intervention is not actual. The wh-subject is in C's c-command (probe 0's full domain) but is not in wh-obj's daughters (wh-obj doesn't c-command wh-sbj — wh-sbj is structurally above wh-obj). So wh-sbj is excluded from probe 1's truncated domain by Nested Agree.

    This is the central §4.2.3 derivational claim: the Merge probe [•wh•], restricted by Nested Agree to the last Agree goal (= wh-obj), cannot target wh-sbj even though wh-sbj is the structurally closer wh-phrase. wh-obj raises first; wh-sbj is raised in the (out-of-scope) restart phase.