Harris & Potts 2009: Orientation variables for CI items #
@cite{harris-potts-2009}
Harris, J. A. & Potts, C. (2009). Perspective-shifting with appositives and expressives. Linguistics and Philosophy 32(6), 523–552.
Defining commitment #
Each occurrence of a conventional-implicature item (expressive, slur, NRRC) carries a covert free orientation variable whose value is flexibly resolved in discourse. Speaker-oriented readings arise when the orientation resolves to the speaker; non-speaker-oriented readings arise when it resolves to some other discourse participant.
This is the alternative analysis K-G argues against in §8.2 (paper p.40-41). H&P's view: non-speaker-oriented readings of (26)-(28) come from orientation-variable resolution, NOT from quotation. K-G's view: they come from covert mixed quotation, with the peripheral attribution introduced by 𝔐 substituting for the discarded original CI.
K-G's objections (paper p.40-41) #
H&P offer no explanation for the strong default preference for speaker-oriented readings of CI items (their proposal would predict roughly equal frequencies if context permits both).
H&P's account collapses certain theories of speaker-oriented uses of slurs (e.g., K-G 2019's directive analysis): the orientation-variable machinery cannot accommodate non-propositional CI content.
The two analyses make different empirical predictions on when
non-speaker-oriented readings are available — this stub encodes H&P's
key commitment so K-G's KirkGiannini2024.lean can host the
inequality theorems.
Note on scope #
Stub formalisation. Sufficient to host inequality theorems against K-G's strip-then-mix architecture. Does not formalize the full appositive syntax/semantics or the experimental data H&P present.
Discourse participants who can be the orientation of a CI item. H&P's apparatus is open-ended; for the stub we use a small enum.
- speaker {Person : Type} : Orientation Person
- other {Person : Type} (p : Person) : Orientation Person
Instances For
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqOrientation.decEq HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker = isTrue ⋯
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqOrientation.decEq HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker (HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.other p) = isFalse ⋯
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqOrientation.decEq (HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.other p) HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker = isFalse ⋯
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqOrientation.decEq (HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.other a) (HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.other b) = if h : a = b then h ▸ isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Instances For
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.instReprOrientation = { reprPrec := HarrisPotts2009.instReprOrientation.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
H&P's CI item. The orientation is a free variable resolved in discourse. The CI content is parameterized on the orientation — different resolutions produce different speaker-attributions of the expressive/slur attitude.
- ciFor : Orientation Person → W → Prop
The CI content as a function of who's oriented.
- atIssue : W → Prop
The at-issue content (independent of orientation).
Instances For
Resolve the orientation variable to a particular value, producing
a flat TwoDimProp.
Instances For
H&P's central claim: non-speaker-oriented readings via free orientation variable, no quotation invoked.
For any CI item with orientation-dependent content, there exist
discourse situations where the orientation resolves to a non-speaker
individual p, producing a non-speaker-oriented reading. The
mechanism is purely contextual resolution; nothing about the
syntactic structure or pure quotation is invoked.
The orientation variable can in principle resolve to any discourse participant. This is the property K-G complains is too permissive: H&P predict that any contextually salient individual can serve as orientation, but the data show speaker-orientation is the strong default.