Economy in PF Reduction #
@cite{citko-gracanin-yuksek-2025}
Coordinated wh-questions (CWHs) and coordinated sluices (CSs) are two PF-reduced constructions with wh-phrase remnants. Despite superficial similarity, they differ in structure, derivational cost, and empirical properties. Economy governs the choice between ellipsis and multidominance as the PF reduction mechanism.
Key Claims #
CWHs use non-bulk-sharing MD: each conjunct CP contains one wh-phrase; functional heads (C, T) are multiply dominated. No ellipsis is involved.
CSs use bulk-sharing MD + ellipsis: the entire C' is shared between conjuncts; both wh-phrases originate inside the shared vP. The E-feature on C triggers TP deletion (cf.
FeatureVal.ellipsisinCore/Features.lean, which models this E-feature).Economy selects the structure: MD is preferred over ellipsis (fewer operations, fewer lexical items). Bulk-sharing MD is more economical than non-bulk-sharing, but is blocked for CWHs by the MWF parameter. CSs can't have the CWH structure because of Pronunciation Economy.
Empirical Contrasts #
- CWHs ban coordination of obligatory wh-arguments; CSs allow it.
- CWHs ban wh-object + wh-adjunct with obligatorily transitive verbs; CSs allow it.
- CWHs only allow nonpaired readings; CSs allow paired readings (with obligatorily transitive verbs) and nonpaired readings (with optionally transitive verbs).
Substrate engagement #
- MD primitives (
PFReductionMechanism,MDSharing,SharedNode,PFReducedCoordination) are imported fromTheories/Syntax/Minimalist/Multidominance.lean(anchored on Citko 2014). They were briefly inlined here while the substrate file was absent; restored to substrate for cross-paper reuse. - MWF parameter substrate (
MWFParameter,PhaseEdge,EdgeAsterisk,MWFViolation,EllipsisRepairsMWF) lives inTypology/Question.lean. Cross-linguistic data (Bulgarian, German, Greek) lives inPhenomena/Questions/MultipleWh.lean. The intra-English variety A/B split — paper-specific to @cite{citko-gracanin-yuksek-2025} — stays here. - Pronunciation Economy is the per-operation primitive
pronunciationEconomy : List PFOperation → PropfromTheories/Syntax/Minimalist/Economy.lean. Paper p. 32 ex (45c) needs per-op vacuity (a derivation with one real deletion + one vacuous deletion violates), which a whole-derivationpfBefore ≠ pfAftercheck could not express. - The CS bulk-sharing structure trivially satisfies @cite{bruening-2021}'s identity condition (Minimalist.Ellipsis.FormalMatching §7), since bulk-sharing means the elided TP literally is the antecedent TP (one node, two parents). Stated as a theorem in §10 below.
Integration #
- CSs are coordinated sluices — each conjunct of a CS is a sluice.
Bridge theorems connect CS data to
Sluicing.leandata structures. - The MWF parameter connects to
Questions/MultipleWh.lean: non-MWF languages (English) ban multiple wh-fronting in questions. - RNR (§9) demonstrates that economy can force BOTH ellipsis and MD in a single derivation (@cite{belk-neeleman-philip-2023}, @cite{barros-vicente-2011}).
The two PF-reduced wh-coordination constructions.
- CWH : WHCoordType
Coordinated wh-question: "What and when did John teach?"
- CS : WHCoordType
Coordinated sluice: "I forgot what and when."
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.instDecidableEqWHCoordType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
An empirical datum contrasting CWHs and CSs.
- sentence : String
- construction : WHCoordType
- whPhrases : List String
- grammatical : Bool
- notes : String
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cwh_basic = { sentence := "What and when did John teach?", construction := CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.WHCoordType.CWH, whPhrases := ["what", "when"], grammatical := true }
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CWHs ban coordination of obligatory wh-arguments (ex 5a).
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CWHs ban wh-object + wh-adjunct with obligatorily transitive verbs (ex 6a). Distinct from (5a): here only one wh-phrase is an obligatory argument; the other is an adjunct. The ban persists because the verb ('buy') is obligatorily transitive.
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CSs allow coordination of obligatory wh-arguments (ex 5b).
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CSs allow wh-object + wh-adjunct coordination (ex 6b).
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All CWH/CS empirical contrasts as a single drift-sentry table. Replaces
seven trivial rfl readouts (cwh_bans_obligatory_args etc.) with one
decide-checked aggregate that catches drift in any row.
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Reading type for wh-coordination.
- paired : ReadingType
Each wh-phrase ranges over a single value (n-tuple as the answer).
- nonpaired : ReadingType
Each wh-phrase ranges over multiple values (cross-product answer).
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.instDecidableEqReadingType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Reading availability datum.
- construction : WHCoordType
- reading : ReadingType
- available : Bool
- notes : String
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CWHs: only nonpaired reading available (ex 8a).
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CWHs: paired reading unavailable (ex 8a).
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CSs: paired reading available with obligatorily transitive verbs (ex 8b). The bulk-sharing CS structure puts both wh-phrases inside a single vP.
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CSs: nonpaired reading available with optionally transitive verbs (§6.1, ex 43). With optionally transitive verbs, the CWH-style structure becomes available, yielding a nonpaired reading.
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Reading availability drift sentry. Replaces three rfl-readouts.
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Drift sentry: the four reading datums encode the paper's central paired/nonpaired contrast — CWH bans paired, CS allows both.
The "what" conjunct of cs_basic as a standalone sluice:
"John taught something, but I forgot what."
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The "when" conjunct of cs_basic as a standalone sluice:
"John taught (then), but I forgot when."
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Each CS decomposes into sluices: the wh-phrases in a CS are each sluice remnants.
Both component sluices are grammatical.
The "what" and "to whom" conjuncts of cs_obligatory_args_allowed.
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Obligatory-argument CS also decomposes into sluices.
Bulgarian, German, Greek MWF data live in
Phenomena/Questions/MultipleWh.lean (textbook-consensus typology). The
intra-English variety A/B split is paper-specific to
@cite{citko-gracanin-yuksek-2025} (p. 19): both varieties are non-MWF in
matrix questions, but they diverge on multiple sluicing — variety A bans
it, variety B allows it. The paper derives this asymmetry from where
the PF asterisk lands (vP only vs both vP and CP edges), not as a free
parameter. The tri-valued MWFParameter in MultipleWh.lean captures
this derivation: variety B is .nonFrontsVPOnly, variety A is
.nonFrontsBothEdges.
English (default): variety A — both vP and CP asterisks; no sluicing repair.
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English bans multiple wh-specifiers at a phase edge.
A single wh-specifier is fine in English.
English variety A: non-MWF, bans multiple sluicing. The CP-edge asterisk survives ellipsis (vP-edge deletion is not enough).
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English variety B: non-MWF, allows multiple sluicing. Only the vP edge has the asterisk; vP-edge deletion repairs it.
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Variety A bans multiple sluicing, variety B allows it. Derived from
the parameter via EllipsisRepairsMWF, not stipulated as an
independent Bool.
Cost defs unchanged in shape from earlier revisions. The 4-Nat parameterization (sm/sl/nsm/nsl coarse, hm/hl/pm/pl/wm/wl fine) is ergonomically cryptic but matches the paper's argument granularity:
Coarse (MD vs ellipsis): parameterized by total shared/non-shared cost. Used for Theorems 1–2.
sm/sl: Merge/lexical cost of shared material (built once with MD, twice with ellipsis)nsm/nsl: cost of non-shared parts (wh-movement, coordination)
Fine (non-bulk vs bulk sharing): decomposes shared material into heads vs phrasal structure. Used for Theorem 3.
hm/hl: cost of shared heads (C, T — built once either way)pm/pl: cost of per-conjunct phrasal structure (C', TP, vP assembly)wm/wl: cost of wh-phrases + coordination (non-shared)
Cost of CWH via non-bulk-sharing MD (adopted structure, paper's (10b)). Shared material built once; no ellipsis.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cwhMDCost sm sl nsm nsl = { lexicalItems := sl + nsl, mergeOps := sm + nsm, agreeOps := 0, ellipsisOps := 0 }
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Cost of CWH via ellipsis (biclausal alternative, paper's (11b)). Shared material duplicated; one E-feature deletion.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cwhEllipsisCost sm sl nsm nsl = { lexicalItems := 2 * sl + nsl, mergeOps := 2 * sm + nsm, agreeOps := 0, ellipsisOps := 1 }
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Cost of CWH via non-bulk-sharing MD — fine-grained (paper's (10b)). Individual heads (C, T) shared; per-conjunct phrasal structure (assembling C', TP, vP around shared heads) built in each conjunct.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cwhNonBulkCost hm hl pm pl wm wl = { lexicalItems := hl + 2 * pl + wl, mergeOps := hm + 2 * pm + wm, agreeOps := 0, ellipsisOps := 0 }
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Cost of CWH via bulk-sharing MD (excluded, paper's (12b)). Entire C' shared — phrasal structure built only once. More economical than non-bulk-sharing, but blocked by MWF.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cwhBulkMDCost hm hl pm pl wm wl = { lexicalItems := hl + pl + wl, mergeOps := hm + pm + wm, agreeOps := 0, ellipsisOps := 0 }
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Cost of CS via bulk-sharing MD + single ellipsis (adopted, paper's (20b)). C' shared; E-feature on C deletes TP once.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.csBulkCost sm sl nsm nsl = { lexicalItems := sl + nsl, mergeOps := sm + nsm, agreeOps := 0, ellipsisOps := 1 }
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Cost of CS via double ellipsis, no MD (excluded, paper's (19b)). Both conjuncts built in full; E-feature in each.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.csDoubleEllipsisCost sm sl nsm nsl = { lexicalItems := 2 * sl + nsl, mergeOps := 2 * sm + nsm, agreeOps := 0, ellipsisOps := 2 }
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Theorem 1: For CWHs, the MD derivation is strictly more economical than the ellipsis alternative (paper's (10b) vs (11b)).
The MD derivation saves sm Merge ops and sl lexical items, and
avoids the ellipsis op entirely. This holds for ANY shared material —
even sm = sl = 0, the ellipsis op alone makes the alternative
costlier.
Theorem 2: For CSs, the bulk-sharing derivation is strictly more economical than the double-ellipsis alternative (paper's (20b) vs (19b)).
The bulk-sharing derivation saves sm Merge operations and sl
lexical items, and uses one fewer ellipsis operation.
Theorem 3: Bulk-sharing is strictly more economical than non-bulk-sharing for CWHs (paper's (12b) vs (10b)).
The paper's crucial insight: the MOST economical derivation for CWHs
(bulk-sharing, which builds C' once) is blocked by an independent
constraint (MWF), forcing the LESS economical non-bulk-sharing
structure. The precondition 0 < pm ∨ 0 < pl ensures there is at
least some phrasal structure to share — which holds for any
non-trivial clause.
Identifying economy winners #
The Theorems 1-3 above establish strict-domination facts; combining
each with Minimalist.economy_winner_of_pair (which discharges the
existence guarantee from economy_admits_winner for the binary case)
identifies the actual economy winner of the relevant 2-candidate
reference set. These are the load-bearing wirings: C&G-Y's selection
arguments need both "X dominates Y" AND "the reference set has a
winner" to deliver "X is THE winner".
CWH economy winner: of the reference set {cwhMDCost, cwhEllipsisCost},
cwhMDCost is an economy winner — no element of the set is
strictly more economical than it. Wires cwh_md_beats_ellipsis
through Minimalist.economy_winner_of_pair.
CS economy winner: of the reference set {csBulkCost, csDoubleEllipsisCost},
csBulkCost is an economy winner. Wires cs_bulk_beats_double_ellipsis
through Minimalist.economy_winner_of_pair.
The CS (bulk-sharing) structure places both wh-phrases inside a single vP. Both must pass through the vP phase edge, creating a phase node with multiple wh-specifiers (paper's (36b)/(37b)).
In a non-MWF language like English, this configuration receives an asterisk at PF, crashing the derivation.
Unlike CSs, CWHs do NOT involve ellipsis — the vP edge survives to PF, so the asterisk is not deleted and the crash is unavoidable.
CSs survive because the E-feature on C triggers TP deletion (including the offending vP edge), removing the asterisk before PF interprets it.
The bulk-sharing structure for CWHs crashes in English: 2 wh-specifiers at vP edge in a non-MWF language.
CWHs have no ellipsis to repair the MWF violation — the vP edge survives to PF, and the asterisk crashes.
In English variety B (vP-only asterisk), CSs survive the same MWF configuration because ellipsis deletes the vP edge. Variety A (both-edges asterisk) is not repairable — CP-edge survives.
Paper p. 32 (re. ex (45c)): "If both Cs had the E feature, … Pronunciation Economy would be violated since the TP would be elided twice (once by the E feature on each C)."
The argument depends on the CS structure where a shared TP has two
Cs each bearing the E-feature. Both Cs fire the E-feature on the same
TP — but only the first deletion has any PF effect; the second targets
material the first already removed. This is the per-operation vacuity
that requires the new pronunciationEconomy : List PFOperation → Prop
shape: a whole-derivation pfBefore ≠ pfAfter check would let this
through (the first deletion ensures the whole derivation's PF differs).
Initial PF state of the shared TP: contains "John taught".
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cs_twoEFeature_initialPF = ["John", "taught"]
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The first C's E-feature deletion: removes "John taught" from the shared TP. Non-vacuous.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cs_twoEFeature_firstDeletion = { pfBefore := CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cs_twoEFeature_initialPF, pfAfter := [] }
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The second C's E-feature deletion: tries to delete the same shared TP, but it is already empty after the first deletion. Vacuous.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cs_twoEFeature_secondDeletion = { pfBefore := [], pfAfter := [] }
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The full deletion sequence under a hypothetical two-E-feature CS structure (paper's (45c) configuration).
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The second deletion is vacuous (its PF before/after coincide).
The two-E-feature CS structure violates Pronunciation Economy at
the second deletion. This is the paper's (45c) ban — the per-op
vacuity is what rules it out, even though the full derivation's
pfBefore (["John", "taught"]) ≠ pfAfter ([]) is satisfied.
A whole-derivation PF≠ check would pass this configuration
incorrectly; the per-op pronunciationEconomy correctly fails it.
Whole-derivation PF differs (initial ["John","taught"] → final []) even though the second op is vacuous. This is exactly what makes a whole-derivation PF≠ check inadequate for the paper's argument.
The adopted CWH structure: non-bulk-sharing MD, no ellipsis (paper's (10b)). Shared nodes: C and T are individually multiply dominated.
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The adopted CS structure: bulk-sharing MD + ellipsis (paper's (20b)).
The E-feature on C (cf. FeatureVal.ellipsis in Core/Features.lean)
triggers TP deletion, repairing the MWF violation at the vP edge.
Shared nodes: entire C' is shared (includes C, TP, vP, VP).
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Structural drift sentry over the four key properties of cwhStructure
and csStructure. Replaces five individual rfl theorems
(cwh_uses_md_only, cs_uses_both, cwh_shares_heads_cs_shares_constituent,
cwh_shared_categories, cs_shared_categories).
The paper's central contribution is explaining WHY CWHs and CSs must have different structures — and therefore different empirical properties — despite their superficial similarity.
For CWHs (§4.1):
- Bulk-sharing MD is most economical (
cwh_bulk_beats_nonbulk) - But bulk-sharing creates MWF violation at vP (
cwh_bulk_crashes_in_english) - CWHs have no ellipsis to repair MWF (
cwh_no_ellipsis_repair) - So non-bulk-sharing MD is selected (
cwh_md_beats_ellipsisover ellipsis)
For CSs (§4.2):
- Bulk-sharing MD + ellipsis is most economical (
cs_bulk_beats_double_ellipsis) - Bulk-sharing creates MWF at vP, but ellipsis repairs it
(
cs_ellipsis_repairs_mwf_varietyB, in vP-only varieties) - Non-bulk-sharing (CWH structure) violates Pronunciation Economy
(
cs_twoEFeature_violates_pronunciation_economy) - So bulk-sharing MD + ellipsis is selected
The two constructions differ in which mechanisms they use.
The two constructions differ in sharing type.
End-to-end: CWHs cannot use bulk-sharing (most economical)
because the MWF violation at vP cannot be repaired without ellipsis.
Combines Theorem 3, cwh_bulk_crashes_in_english, and
cwh_no_ellipsis_repair.
End-to-end: CSs use bulk-sharing because it is most economical AND the MWF violation is repaired by ellipsis (in vP-only varieties); the CWH (two-E-feature) structure is excluded by per-op Pronunciation Economy.
Section 6.2 of the paper extends the economy analysis to Right Node Raising (RNR). RNR is a key test case because it can involve BOTH ellipsis and MD simultaneously — the "mix and match" analysis of @cite{belk-neeleman-philip-2023} (and earlier @cite{barros-vicente-2011}).
The core claim: economy favors MD over ellipsis when both yield the same string and interpretation. In RNR, the shared pivot (rightmost material) is multiply dominated. When the pivot and antecedent are not morphologically identical (vehicle change), ellipsis is additionally required for the non-shared material in the first conjunct.
RNR pivot type: what is shared at the right edge.
- minimal : RNRPivotType
Only the rightmost constituent (e.g., PP) is shared.
- extended : RNRPivotType
A larger constituent (e.g., VP) is shared.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.instDecidableEqRNRPivotType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
An RNR datum captures the structural analysis.
- sentence : String
- pivot : String
The shared pivot string (right-edge material).
- morphologicalIdentity : Bool
Does the pivot exhibit morphological identity with the antecedent?
- mdProperties : Bool
Does the pivot exhibit properties of MD? (e.g., cumulative agreement, internal reading of relational adjective)
- involvesEllipsis : Bool
Does the construction involve ellipsis in addition to MD?
- pivotType : RNRPivotType
- notes : String
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Pure MD: identical verbs, no mismatch → economy selects MD only (ex 55).
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Ellipsis + MD: verb morphology mismatch forces ellipsis for VP, but PP pivot is still shared via MD (ex 52/53).
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Vehicle-change diagnostic from @cite{barros-vicente-2011} ex (47): morphological mismatch signals ellipsis (not MD).
The angled brackets mark the first conjunct's predicate as
PF-reduced under identity with the second conjunct's overt
predicate — backwards elision, not forwards RNR with a right-edge
pivot. The morphological mismatch (wake vs wakes) confirms
ellipsis (which tolerates vehicle change) over MD (which requires
morphological identity for a single multiply-dominated node).
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Relational adjective with internal reading signals MD.
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RNR datum drift sentry: morphological-identity / MD-properties /
ellipsis-involvement consistent with the paper's typology. Replaces
rnr_economy_prefers_md and rnr_mismatch_forces_ellipsis.
RNR pivot cost: MD derivation for the shared pivot. The pivot is built once (MD) rather than twice (ellipsis).
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RNR cost with full ellipsis (no MD): pivot duplicated.
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Theorem 4: For RNR, MD is strictly more economical than ellipsis when both yield the same string. Same shape as Theorem 1.
RNR economy winner: of the reference set {rnrMDPivotCost, rnrEllipsisCost},
rnrMDPivotCost is an economy winner. Wires rnr_md_beats_ellipsis
through Minimalist.economy_winner_of_pair.
@cite{bruening-2021}'s max-projection identity condition for ellipsis
(formalized as Minimalist.Ellipsis.FormalMatching.bruening2021StructurallyIdentical)
requires the antecedent and the elided constituent to have the same
filtered max-projection path lists (up to permutation).
In the C&G-Y CS bulk-sharing structure, the elided TP literally is
the antecedent TP — one node in the multidominance graph with two
parents. So the filtered max-projection paths are physically identical,
and List.Perm.refl discharges the identity condition.
The C&G-Y CS bulk-sharing structure is robust to identity-condition
choice: it trivially satisfies @cite{bruening-2021}'s max-projection
identity by List.Perm.refl on identical path lists, for any
HeadFunction parameterizing the projection paths.
This is a positive cross-framework consilience: the C&G-Y MD architecture and the Bruening 2021 identity condition agree on CS, so the paper's predictions for CS sluicing licensing do not depend on identity-condition choice.