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Linglib.Phenomena.Coordination.Studies.BrueningAlKhalaf2020

@cite{bruening-alkhalaf-2020} — Category Mismatches in Coordination Revisited #

Bruening, Benjamin & Eman Al Khalaf. 2020. Category mismatches in coordination revisited. Linguistic Inquiry 51(1). 1–36.

The Directionality Effect (§3.1) #

The linearly closest conjunct to the selecting head must satisfy c-selection. In VO languages (English complement position), this is the first conjunct. In OV languages, or when coordination precedes the verb (English subject position, postpositions), this is the last conjunct.

Two Permitted Violations (§3.2) #

Only two genuine category mismatches occur in selection-violating coordination: CP↔NP and non-ly Adverb↔Adjective. Both parallel displacement and ellipsis patterns.

Supercategories (§2) #

Apparent category mismatches in predication and modification are not true violations but supercategory selection. become selects Pred (AP, VP, PP); prenominal position selects Mod (AP, AdvP).

Left-to-Right Derivation (§4) #

PF and LF are built left-to-right simultaneously. Feature checking at &P proceeds linearly, explaining why the closest conjunct must satisfy selection.

Connection to @cite{schwarzer-2026} #

@cite{schwarzer-2026} tests the cross-linguistic prediction using German OV: B&AK predict CP-first for OV complements, but Schwarzer finds DP-first (~77%), supporting bottom-up accounts instead.

Preferred order of conjuncts in DP-CP selection-violating coordination.

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      How selectional features percolate through &P to the selecting head.

      The competing analyses of selection-violating coordination disagree on a single parameter: which conjunct's categorical features are visible to the selecting head. This parameter determines conjunct order preferences as a function of surface position.

      • structural : FeaturePercolation

        Features percolate from the structurally prominent (spec) position. The first conjunct always determines &P's categorical features, regardless of surface position relative to the verb. Analyses: @cite{sag-etal-1985}, @cite{munn-1993}, @cite{peterson-2004}, @cite{zhang-2010}.

      • linear : FeaturePercolation

        Features percolate from the linearly closest conjunct to the selecting head. Which conjunct is closest depends on surface position relative to the verb. Analysis: @cite{bruening-alkhalaf-2020}.

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          Derive conjunct order preference from feature percolation mechanism.

          The core principle: the conjunct whose features percolate to &P must satisfy c-selection (= must be the DP). The percolation mechanism determines which conjunct that is:

          • Structural: spec (= first conjunct) → always DP-first
          • Linear: closest to V → DP-first postverbally, CP-first preverbally
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            Structural percolation is position-invariant: the structurally prominent conjunct is always first, regardless of surface order.

            The two percolation mechanisms diverge in preverbal position: structural predicts DP-first, linear predicts CP-first. This is the configuration that empirically distinguishes the accounts.

            Linear closeness prediction (B&AK's core claim, §3.1): the linearly closest conjunct to the selecting head must satisfy c-selection.

            In VO complement position: V [&P X and Y] → X is closest → DP-first. In OV complement position: [&P X and Y] V → Y is closest → CP-first (so DP is last, verb-adjacent).

            This also applies to English subject position (preverbal even in VO) and postpositions (selecting head follows coordination).

            Derived from predictOrder with linear percolation.

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              Bottom-up prediction (competitor account, §3.1): asymmetric &P structure makes the first conjunct structurally more prominent. The selected DP must be first, regardless of surface position relative to the verb.

              Analyses: @cite{sag-etal-1985}, @cite{munn-1993}, @cite{peterson-2004}, @cite{zhang-2010}.

              Derived from predictOrder with structural percolation.

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                B&AK identify exactly two category mismatches that are permitted in selection-violating coordination (§3.2).

                These parallel the categories that allow displacement and ellipsis:

                1. CP↔NP: CPs can appear in NP positions (also seen in topicalization, pseudoclefts, "do so" replacement)
                2. Non-ly Adv↔Adj: manner adverbs without -ly can appear in adjective positions (also seen in prenominal modification)
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                    The exhaustive list of permitted violations, justified structurally by coordExtension_exhaustive (§ 7): only CP and AdvP have non-empty extensions. See violation_from_extension and extension_to_violation (§ 7) for the bidirectional correspondence.

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                      B&AK predict DP-first in English complement position: the first conjunct is closest to V.

                      You can depend on [DP my assistant] and [CP that he will be on time]. ✓

                      @cite{sag-etal-1985} ex. (3a), @cite{bruening-alkhalaf-2020} §3.1.

                      B&AK's strongest within-English evidence for closeness over first-conjunct (§3.1, examples (41a/b)):

                      (41a) [CP That he had been gambling with public funds] and [DP the fact that he had been keeping a mistress] resulted in his being dismissed. ✓

                      (41b) *[DP The fact that he had been keeping a mistress] and [CP that he had been gambling with public funds] resulted in his being dismissed. ✗

                      When coordination is in subject position, it precedes the verb even in English VO. The LAST conjunct is closest to V. B&AK predict the DP must be last (closest), giving CP-first order. Bottom-up accounts predict DP-first regardless — wrong for this configuration.

                      B&AK predict CP-first in subject position: the last conjunct is closest to V, so the DP must be last.

                      Subject position distinguishes the two accounts within a single language (English). B&AK argue this is decisive evidence for closeness over structural prominence.

                      For OV languages, B&AK predict CP-first: complements precede V, so the last conjunct is closest. The DP must be last → CP-first.

                      OV is the cross-linguistic test case. Bottom-up and B&AK diverge on OV complement order.

                      @cite{schwarzer-2026} tests this with German and finds DP-first (~77%), supporting bottom-up over B&AK for OV complement position.

                      B&AK's supercategory features unify apparent category mismatches that are not true selection violations.

                      Pred: AP, VP, PP can all serve as predicates. Verbs like become select Pred, not a specific lexical category.

                      Mod: AP, AdvP can both modify. Prenominal position selects Mod, not specifically Adj.

                      • pred : Supercategory

                        Predicative: AP, VP, PP can all serve as predicates.

                      • mod : Supercategory

                        Modifier: AP, AdvP can both serve as modifiers.

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                          Categories belonging to each supercategory, grounded in the Cat category system from Core.Tree. The inclusion order on Finset Cat gives the lattice structure: Supercategory.cats .pred and Supercategory.cats .mod are elements ordered by ⊆.

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                            Extended distributional compatibility for coordination (§3.2). Categories that c can appear as in non-coordination contexts (displacement, ellipsis), beyond its native category.

                            • CP → NP: CPs can be topicalized, pseudoclefted, and pro-form replaced — NP-like distributional properties
                            • AdvP → AdjP: non-ly adverbs appear prenominally — AdjP-like distributional properties

                            All other categories have no extended compatibility. Combined with Supercategory.cats, this derives B&AK's "exactly two permitted violations" (§3.2).

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                              Only CP and AdvP have non-empty coordination extensions. This structurally derives B&AK's "exactly two permitted violations" (§3.2) from distributional profiles rather than stipulating them as a list.

                              Map each violation type to its source and target categories. The source category can appear in a position selecting the target via coordination.

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                                Each permitted violation corresponds to a non-empty coordExtension: the target category appears in the extension of the source.

                                Every non-empty coordExtension corresponds to a permitted violation. This, together with violation_from_extension, establishes a bijection between SelectionViolationType and non-empty extensions, proving the enumeration is not stipulated but derived from distributional profiles.

                                B&AK's derivation model (§4) builds structure left-to-right, with PF and LF computed simultaneously. Feature checking at &P uses the linearly closest conjunct. The model posits null syntactic heads (null N dominating CP, null Adv head) to mediate the two permitted violations.

                                Crucially, B&AK accept asymmetric &P structure — the same assumption as bottom-up accounts. The disagreement is about the mechanism: closeness (B&AK) vs structural prominence (bottom-up). Both theories accept CoordSymmetry.asymmetric, but derive different predictions from it:

                                Coordination structure as adopted by both B&AK and the bottom-up accounts is asymmetric: the first conjunct (specifier) is treated as structurally more prominent than the second (complement).

                                Both accounts accept this asymmetry (§4) and disagree only about the mechanism that derives downstream predictions from it (linear closeness vs structural prominence).

                                Substrate note (post-MCB Phase 1.0). Under @cite{marcolli-chomsky-berwick-2025} Definition 1.1.1 (book p. 22)

                                • Remark 1.1.2 (p. 23), syntactic objects are the free, non-associative, commutative magma over SO_0 — merge x y and merge y x are strictly equal on the quotient (mul_comm is a strict equality, not just an isomorphism).

                                B&AK's account survives nonplanar Merge cleanly. Their headline closeness mechanism (§3.1, §4) is PF-side / linear-order-side: "the closest conjunct at PF wins" is built simultaneously with LF in the Left-to-Right Derivation, with feature checking at &P proceeding linearly, not from Merge structure. The linear FeaturePercolation mode in this file is in fact pure-Externalization — exactly what nonplanar Merge wants. The (now-stipulated) mergeCoordSymmetry := .asymmetric is an assumption B&AK also make (asymmetric &P structure), independent of Merge symmetry.

                                The bottom-up alternatives (Munn 1993, Zhang 2010, Citko 2011 — Symmetry in Syntax) are the accounts whose status is genuinely affected. They depend on hierarchical asymmetry within &P, which nonplanar Merge does not provide. Such accounts now require either (i) hierarchical asymmetry from a stipulated Coord head, or (ii) re-derivation of asymmetry from LCA + head-directionality (MCB §1.13). Citko 2011 in particular makes the case that coordination is the prototype of symmetric merge (multidominance); that view aligns with MCB but is incompatible with the bottom-up structural-prominence approach.

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                                  Despite assuming asymmetric structure, B&AK's closeness prediction is position-DEPENDENT: preverbal and postverbal yield different orders.

                                  Bottom-up accounts derive position-INVARIANT predictions from the same asymmetric structure: always DP-first.

                                  Structural percolation presupposes asymmetric coordination: there must be a structurally prominent (spec) position for features to percolate from. Linear percolation requires no particular structural assumption — closeness is defined over surface strings, not tree structure.

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                                    Both accounts adopt asymmetric structure, but only the bottom-up account's predictions require it. B&AK's closeness mechanism would make the same predictions under symmetric structure.

                                    Merge is symmetric on the SO carrier. Under MCB nonplanar SOs (@cite{marcolli-chomsky-berwick-2025} Def 1.1.1, Remark 1.1.2), merge x y = merge y x is a strict equality. This was not the case under the prior planar TraceTree carrier — the earlier version of this file proved a merge_distinguishes_children theorem (merge x y ≠ merge y x for distinct x, y) by injection. That theorem is now provably false: merge is (· * ·) on FreeCommMagma _, which the CommMagma instance proves commutative.

                                    The change is consequential for Bruening's argument: the "first vs second conjunct" asymmetry can no longer be grounded in Merge structure (which is the original Bruening-style derivation). The asymmetry survives only as a stipulation on the Coord head or as a downstream consequence of Externalization (LCA / head directionality / linearization). See mergeCoordSymmetry's substrate note.

                                    Stipulation: structural percolation's required-symmetry hypothesis matches the stipulated mergeCoordSymmetry. Trivially true since both are .asymmetric by stipulation; this lemma exists to make the dependency explicit at the type level rather than load-bearing on Merge's structure.

                                    The downstream chain from Coord-asymmetry to bottom-up prediction:

                                    1. mergeCoordSymmetry := .asymmetric (STIPULATION — see substrate note)
                                    2. Structural percolation's presupposition is met by stipulation (stipulated_symmetry_matches_percolation)
                                    3. predictOrder .structural yields position-invariant DP-first

                                    Substrate note (post-MCB Phase 1.0). This was previously merge_grounds_prediction, which claimed (1) was derived from Merge structure rather than stipulated. Under MCB nonplanar Merge (merge_is_symmetric headline) that derivation does not run.

                                    The downstream prediction (predictOrder .structural pos = .dpFirst) is the bottom-up (structural prominence) variant — it requires the asymmetry stipulation. B&AK's own headline (linear closeness) does not require it: their linear mode would predict from PF position alone. So the stipulation is load-bearing only for the alternative account this file also formalizes (Munn 1993 / Zhang 2010 / @cite{citko-2011}-style structural prominence), not for B&AK's own.

                                    B&AK extend the closeness analysis to postpositions (§3.1, examples (43a/b)). When the selecting head is a postposition (e.g., notwithstanding), the coordination precedes it. The LAST conjunct is closest, so it must satisfy selection (= be DP). This gives CP-first order, just as in subject position and OV complements.

                                    Formally, the postposition case reduces to VerbPosition.preverbal: coordination precedes the selecting head, making it structurally identical to subject position (cf. bak_subject_cpfirst).