@cite{bruening-alkhalaf-2020} — Category Mismatches in Coordination Revisited #
Bruening, Benjamin & Eman Al Khalaf. 2020. Category mismatches in coordination revisited. Linguistic Inquiry 51(1). 1–36.
The Directionality Effect (§3.1) #
The linearly closest conjunct to the selecting head must satisfy c-selection. In VO languages (English complement position), this is the first conjunct. In OV languages, or when coordination precedes the verb (English subject position, postpositions), this is the last conjunct.
Two Permitted Violations (§3.2) #
Only two genuine category mismatches occur in selection-violating coordination: CP↔NP and non-ly Adverb↔Adjective. Both parallel displacement and ellipsis patterns.
Supercategories (§2) #
Apparent category mismatches in predication and modification are not true violations but supercategory selection. become selects Pred (AP, VP, PP); prenominal position selects Mod (AP, AdvP).
Left-to-Right Derivation (§4) #
PF and LF are built left-to-right simultaneously. Feature checking at &P proceeds linearly, explaining why the closest conjunct must satisfy selection.
Connection to @cite{schwarzer-2026} #
@cite{schwarzer-2026} tests the cross-linguistic prediction using German OV: B&AK predict CP-first for OV complements, but Schwarzer finds DP-first (~77%), supporting bottom-up accounts instead.
Preferred order of conjuncts in DP-CP selection-violating coordination.
- dpFirst : ConjunctOrder
DP conjunct precedes CP conjunct.
- cpFirst : ConjunctOrder
CP conjunct precedes DP conjunct.
Instances For
Equations
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.instDecidableEqConjunctOrder x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
Equations
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.instBEqConjunctOrder.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
Instances For
Equations
How selectional features percolate through &P to the selecting head.
The competing analyses of selection-violating coordination disagree on a single parameter: which conjunct's categorical features are visible to the selecting head. This parameter determines conjunct order preferences as a function of surface position.
- structural : FeaturePercolation
Features percolate from the structurally prominent (spec) position. The first conjunct always determines &P's categorical features, regardless of surface position relative to the verb. Analyses: @cite{sag-etal-1985}, @cite{munn-1993}, @cite{peterson-2004}, @cite{zhang-2010}.
- linear : FeaturePercolation
Features percolate from the linearly closest conjunct to the selecting head. Which conjunct is closest depends on surface position relative to the verb. Analysis: @cite{bruening-alkhalaf-2020}.
Instances For
Equations
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.instDecidableEqFeaturePercolation x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
Equations
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.instBEqFeaturePercolation.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
Instances For
Derive conjunct order preference from feature percolation mechanism.
The core principle: the conjunct whose features percolate to &P must satisfy c-selection (= must be the DP). The percolation mechanism determines which conjunct that is:
- Structural: spec (= first conjunct) → always DP-first
- Linear: closest to V → DP-first postverbally, CP-first preverbally
Equations
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.predictOrder BrueningAlKhalaf2020.FeaturePercolation.structural pos = BrueningAlKhalaf2020.ConjunctOrder.dpFirst
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.predictOrder BrueningAlKhalaf2020.FeaturePercolation.linear Typology.WordOrder.VerbPosition.postverbal = BrueningAlKhalaf2020.ConjunctOrder.dpFirst
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.predictOrder BrueningAlKhalaf2020.FeaturePercolation.linear Typology.WordOrder.VerbPosition.preverbal = BrueningAlKhalaf2020.ConjunctOrder.cpFirst
Instances For
Structural percolation is position-invariant: the structurally prominent conjunct is always first, regardless of surface order.
Linear percolation is position-dependent: preverbal and postverbal yield different predictions.
The two percolation mechanisms agree in postverbal position: both predict DP-first when V precedes the coordination.
The two percolation mechanisms diverge in preverbal position: structural predicts DP-first, linear predicts CP-first. This is the configuration that empirically distinguishes the accounts.
Linear closeness prediction (B&AK's core claim, §3.1): the linearly closest conjunct to the selecting head must satisfy c-selection.
In VO complement position: V [&P X and Y] → X is closest → DP-first. In OV complement position: [&P X and Y] V → Y is closest → CP-first (so DP is last, verb-adjacent).
This also applies to English subject position (preverbal even in VO) and postpositions (selecting head follows coordination).
Derived from predictOrder with linear percolation.
Equations
Instances For
Bottom-up prediction (competitor account, §3.1): asymmetric &P structure makes the first conjunct structurally more prominent. The selected DP must be first, regardless of surface position relative to the verb.
Analyses: @cite{sag-etal-1985}, @cite{munn-1993}, @cite{peterson-2004}, @cite{zhang-2010}.
Derived from predictOrder with structural percolation.
Equations
Instances For
B&AK identify exactly two category mismatches that are permitted in selection-violating coordination (§3.2).
These parallel the categories that allow displacement and ellipsis:
- CP↔NP: CPs can appear in NP positions (also seen in topicalization, pseudoclefts, "do so" replacement)
- Non-ly Adv↔Adj: manner adverbs without -ly can appear in adjective positions (also seen in prenominal modification)
- cpAsNp : SelectionViolationType
CP appearing in an NP-selecting position.
- advAsAdj : SelectionViolationType
Non-ly adverb appearing in an adjective position.
Instances For
Equations
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.instDecidableEqSelectionViolationType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The exhaustive list of permitted violations, justified structurally
by coordExtension_exhaustive (§ 7): only CP and AdvP have
non-empty extensions. See violation_from_extension and
extension_to_violation (§ 7) for the bidirectional correspondence.
Equations
Instances For
English is VO: complements follow the selecting verb.
English complement position maps to postverbal.
B&AK predict DP-first in English complement position: the first conjunct is closest to V.
You can depend on [DP my assistant] and [CP that he will be on time]. ✓
@cite{sag-etal-1985} ex. (3a), @cite{bruening-alkhalaf-2020} §3.1.
Bottom-up also predicts DP-first for English VO complements. Both accounts agree for this configuration.
B&AK's strongest within-English evidence for closeness over first-conjunct (§3.1, examples (41a/b)):
(41a) [CP That he had been gambling with public funds] and [DP the fact that he had been keeping a mistress] resulted in his being dismissed. ✓
(41b) *[DP The fact that he had been keeping a mistress] and [CP that he had been gambling with public funds] resulted in his being dismissed. ✗
When coordination is in subject position, it precedes the verb even in English VO. The LAST conjunct is closest to V. B&AK predict the DP must be last (closest), giving CP-first order. Bottom-up accounts predict DP-first regardless — wrong for this configuration.
B&AK predict CP-first in subject position: the last conjunct is closest to V, so the DP must be last.
Bottom-up predicts DP-first even in subject position.
Subject position distinguishes the two accounts within a single language (English). B&AK argue this is decisive evidence for closeness over structural prominence.
For OV languages, B&AK predict CP-first: complements precede V, so the last conjunct is closest. The DP must be last → CP-first.
For VO languages, B&AK predict DP-first.
OV is the cross-linguistic test case. Bottom-up and B&AK diverge on OV complement order.
@cite{schwarzer-2026} tests this with German and finds DP-first (~77%), supporting bottom-up over B&AK for OV complement position.
B&AK's supercategory features unify apparent category mismatches that are not true selection violations.
Pred: AP, VP, PP can all serve as predicates. Verbs like become select Pred, not a specific lexical category.
Mod: AP, AdvP can both modify. Prenominal position selects Mod, not specifically Adj.
- pred : Supercategory
Predicative: AP, VP, PP can all serve as predicates.
- mod : Supercategory
Modifier: AP, AdvP can both serve as modifiers.
Instances For
Equations
- BrueningAlKhalaf2020.instDecidableEqSupercategory x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
Categories belonging to each supercategory, grounded in the Cat
category system from Core.Tree. The inclusion order on Finset Cat
gives the lattice structure: Supercategory.cats .pred and
Supercategory.cats .mod are elements ordered by ⊆.
Equations
Instances For
AP belongs to both supercategories.
Pred and Mod overlap at exactly AP.
Extended distributional compatibility for coordination (§3.2).
Categories that c can appear as in non-coordination contexts
(displacement, ellipsis), beyond its native category.
- CP → NP: CPs can be topicalized, pseudoclefted, and pro-form replaced — NP-like distributional properties
- AdvP → AdjP: non-ly adverbs appear prenominally — AdjP-like distributional properties
All other categories have no extended compatibility. Combined
with Supercategory.cats, this derives B&AK's "exactly two
permitted violations" (§3.2).
Equations
Instances For
CP extends to NP positions.
AdvP extends to AdjP positions.
Only CP and AdvP have non-empty coordination extensions. This structurally derives B&AK's "exactly two permitted violations" (§3.2) from distributional profiles rather than stipulating them as a list.
Map each violation type to its source and target categories. The source category can appear in a position selecting the target via coordination.
Equations
Instances For
Each permitted violation corresponds to a non-empty coordExtension:
the target category appears in the extension of the source.
Every non-empty coordExtension corresponds to a permitted violation.
This, together with violation_from_extension, establishes a
bijection between SelectionViolationType and non-empty extensions,
proving the enumeration is not stipulated but derived from
distributional profiles.
B&AK's derivation model (§4) builds structure left-to-right, with PF and LF computed simultaneously. Feature checking at &P uses the linearly closest conjunct. The model posits null syntactic heads (null N dominating CP, null Adv head) to mediate the two permitted violations.
Crucially, B&AK accept asymmetric &P structure — the same assumption as
bottom-up accounts. The disagreement is about the mechanism: closeness
(B&AK) vs structural prominence (bottom-up). Both theories accept
CoordSymmetry.asymmetric, but derive different predictions from it:
- B&AK: closeness → predictions depend on surface position
- Bottom-up: structural prominence → predictions are position-invariant
Coordination structure as adopted by both B&AK and the bottom-up accounts is asymmetric: the first conjunct (specifier) is treated as structurally more prominent than the second (complement).
Both accounts accept this asymmetry (§4) and disagree only about the mechanism that derives downstream predictions from it (linear closeness vs structural prominence).
Substrate note (post-MCB Phase 1.0). Under @cite{marcolli-chomsky-berwick-2025} Definition 1.1.1 (book p. 22)
- Remark 1.1.2 (p. 23), syntactic objects are the free,
non-associative, commutative magma over SO_0 —
merge x yandmerge y xare strictly equal on the quotient (mul_commis a strict equality, not just an isomorphism).
B&AK's account survives nonplanar Merge cleanly. Their headline
closeness mechanism (§3.1, §4) is PF-side / linear-order-side:
"the closest conjunct at PF wins" is built simultaneously with LF
in the Left-to-Right Derivation, with feature checking at &P
proceeding linearly, not from Merge structure. The linear
FeaturePercolation mode in this file is in fact pure-Externalization
— exactly what nonplanar Merge wants. The (now-stipulated)
mergeCoordSymmetry := .asymmetric is an assumption B&AK also
make (asymmetric &P structure), independent of Merge symmetry.
The bottom-up alternatives (Munn 1993, Zhang 2010, Citko 2011 — Symmetry in Syntax) are the accounts whose status is genuinely affected. They depend on hierarchical asymmetry within &P, which nonplanar Merge does not provide. Such accounts now require either (i) hierarchical asymmetry from a stipulated Coord head, or (ii) re-derivation of asymmetry from LCA + head-directionality (MCB §1.13). Citko 2011 in particular makes the case that coordination is the prototype of symmetric merge (multidominance); that view aligns with MCB but is incompatible with the bottom-up structural-prominence approach.
Instances For
Despite assuming asymmetric structure, B&AK's closeness prediction is position-DEPENDENT: preverbal and postverbal yield different orders.
Bottom-up accounts derive position-INVARIANT predictions from the same asymmetric structure: always DP-first.
Structural percolation presupposes asymmetric coordination: there must be a structurally prominent (spec) position for features to percolate from. Linear percolation requires no particular structural assumption — closeness is defined over surface strings, not tree structure.
Equations
Instances For
Both accounts adopt asymmetric structure, but only the bottom-up account's predictions require it. B&AK's closeness mechanism would make the same predictions under symmetric structure.
Merge is symmetric on the SO carrier. Under MCB nonplanar SOs
(@cite{marcolli-chomsky-berwick-2025} Def 1.1.1, Remark 1.1.2),
merge x y = merge y x is a strict equality. This was not the
case under the prior planar TraceTree carrier — the earlier
version of this file proved a merge_distinguishes_children
theorem (merge x y ≠ merge y x for distinct x, y) by
injection. That theorem is now provably false: merge is
(· * ·) on FreeCommMagma _, which the CommMagma instance
proves commutative.
The change is consequential for Bruening's argument: the
"first vs second conjunct" asymmetry can no longer be grounded in
Merge structure (which is the original Bruening-style derivation).
The asymmetry survives only as a stipulation on the Coord head
or as a downstream consequence of Externalization (LCA / head
directionality / linearization). See mergeCoordSymmetry's
substrate note.
Stipulation: structural percolation's required-symmetry hypothesis
matches the stipulated mergeCoordSymmetry. Trivially true since
both are .asymmetric by stipulation; this lemma exists to make
the dependency explicit at the type level rather than load-bearing
on Merge's structure.
The downstream chain from Coord-asymmetry to bottom-up prediction:
mergeCoordSymmetry := .asymmetric(STIPULATION — see substrate note)- Structural percolation's presupposition is met by stipulation
(
stipulated_symmetry_matches_percolation) predictOrder .structuralyields position-invariant DP-first
Substrate note (post-MCB Phase 1.0). This was previously
merge_grounds_prediction, which claimed (1) was derived from
Merge structure rather than stipulated. Under MCB nonplanar Merge
(merge_is_symmetric headline) that derivation does not run.
The downstream prediction (predictOrder .structural pos = .dpFirst)
is the bottom-up (structural prominence) variant — it requires the
asymmetry stipulation. B&AK's own headline (linear closeness) does
not require it: their linear mode would predict from PF position
alone. So the stipulation is load-bearing only for the alternative
account this file also formalizes (Munn 1993 / Zhang 2010 /
@cite{citko-2011}-style structural prominence), not for B&AK's own.
B&AK extend the closeness analysis to postpositions (§3.1, examples (43a/b)). When the selecting head is a postposition (e.g., notwithstanding), the coordination precedes it. The LAST conjunct is closest, so it must satisfy selection (= be DP). This gives CP-first order, just as in subject position and OV complements.
Formally, the postposition case reduces to VerbPosition.preverbal:
coordination precedes the selecting head, making it structurally
identical to subject position (cf. bak_subject_cpfirst).