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Linglib.Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Angelopoulos2026

Angelopoulos 2026: On clausal complementation, once more @cite{angelopoulos-2026} #

Nikos Angelopoulos (2026). Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 44:26. DOI 10.1007/s11049-026-09711-w.

Three puzzles, one mechanism #

The paper resolves three puzzles about Modern Greek oti (content complementizer) and pu (situation/factive complementizer):

  1. Internal/external argument asymmetry. Both oti- and pu-clauses pattern as internal arguments under three diagnostics — clitic doubling, passivization, A-bar extraction transparency — yet both are banned from the external argument position.
  2. Near-complementary distribution. oti combines with content-selecting matrix verbs (ipe 'said', pistévo 'believe', xeri 'know'); pu combines with situation- selecting emotive factives (metanjose 'regret', aresi 'like / appeal to', xérome 'be happy').
  3. Novel stativity restriction on complement pu. Complement pu-clauses require a stative matrix predicate. The restriction vanishes in adjunct, relative, and interrogative pu uses.

The unifying mechanism: oti and pu bear an uninterpretable [n]-feature checked by a light noun in their specifier (@cite{arsenijevic-2009}, @cite{moltmann-2019}). The light noun is licensed by Hale-Keyser noun-incorporation (@cite{hale-keyser-1993}) into a lexical host (v_State or v_Event); incorporation into a functional head (T) is impossible. Aspectual head v_State selects either content- or situation-typed [n]; v_Event selects only content-typed [n]. Adjuncts select-upward (@cite{bruening-2013}, @cite{hewett-2023}, @cite{hunter-2015}, @cite{neeleman-philip-tanaka-vandekoot-2023}), exempting non- complement pu from v_State.

Hedges (per audit) #

Cross-framework engagement #

Studies-local apparatus (per audit) #

The light-v aspectual head split (@cite{borer-2005}, @cite{merchant-2019}). v_State introduces a stative situation argument; v_Event introduces an eventive one. These select different sorts of [n]-licensee in the spec of their CP complement.

Studies-local. Promote to substrate when a second paper- anchored consumer (e.g., a future Borer 2005 or Merchant 2019 study file) consumes it.

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      Which sort of [n]-licensee an aspectual head accepts: v_State accepts both content and situation; v_Event accepts only content (paper §4.1). This asymmetry is the encoded table; the underlying derivation from a deeper aspectual- stativity feature (Borer 2005: situations are stative aspectual objects, dynamic v cannot select stative complement) is queued as a TODO. As written, this def-as-table is paper-fidelity, not a structural derivation.

      Prop-valued per CLAUDE.md (no Bool for predicate-shape data); decidability instance below.

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        @[implicit_reducible]
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        @cite{hale-keyser-1993} noun-incorporation predicate: a light-noun [n] can incorporate into a category iff that category is lexical (in the @cite{panagiotidis-2015} sense: bears interpretable categorial features, not uninterpretable copies). Functional heads (T, C, D) cannot host incorporation.

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          Adjunct-selection predicate: an adjunct selects its host rather than being selected by it (@cite{bruening-2013}, @cite{hewett-2023}, @cite{hunter-2015}, @cite{neeleman-philip-tanaka-vandekoot-2023}). Studies-local; a coarse abstraction over the actual checked-Merge dual that a future AdjunctSelection.lean substrate would expose.

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            Was the matrix verb's complement clitic-doubled? Construction fact, NOT axiomatized to imply argumenthood. Cf. fn 4 of the paper acknowledging @cite{angelopoulos-michelioudakis-2023} on doubling-as-Agree.

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              The bare oti-clause yields the explanans reading: "Maria explained well that the Earth is round" — the embedded clause IS the explanation (paper ex. 4a).

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                  The nominalized to oti-clause yields the explanandum reading: "Maria explained well the fact that the Earth is round" — the embedded clause is the fact being explained (paper ex. 4c).

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                      The oti C-head: bears [uN] (= the [n]-feature in the paper's notation), selecting a light noun in its specifier.

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                        The pu C-head: same selectional contract as oti — bears the [n]-feature. The content/situation distinction surfaces not at C but at the matrix v (§5).

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                          The light-noun-in-Spec configuration: nullN from Selection.lean merged into the spec of an oti/pu C head via specifier Merge (Step.applyChecked .emL).

                          The C head retains its [n] in pending after emL (specifier Merge does not consume features in the c-selection system; cf. applyChecked_emL). The [n] is checked when the resulting CP is merged as a complement of v whose own selectional features require a CP whose Spec contains [n].

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                            Functional heads (T, C, D) bear uninterpretable categorial feature copies per @cite{panagiotidis-2015}; they cannot host H&K incorporation.

                            v is lexical (a categorizer per @cite{panagiotidis-2015}); hosts incorporation. This is the case Angelopoulos exploits: a light noun in Spec,CP can incorporate into a higher v_State or v_Event, satisfying its licensing requirement.

                            The three functional-head cells are jointly non-incorporation- hosts. This is the substrate-level fact underlying Puzzle 1 (in/out asymmetry); the geometric step "from Spec,TP, the closest c-commander is T, and incorporation cannot reach lexical v without violating Sportiche-2005 locality" is asserted in prose here and queued for formalisation when a head-movement substrate (Step.applyHeadMove) lands.

                            Paper ex. 11, 12: bare oti/pu-clauses are ungrammatical in the external argument position.

                            The internal-argument cases work because the light noun's closest lexical host (v_State or v_Event) is c-commanding the CP from above its complement position.

                            Puzzle 3 (stativity restriction, derived from the table). A pu-clause bears situation-typed [n]; v_Event rejects it; therefore pu cannot complement an eventive matrix predicate.

                            Paper ex. 23c: *θimose mésa se péde leptá pu psifístike o nómos 'got angry within five minutes that the law was voted'. The in-adverbial forces eventive interpretation; eventive → v_Event; v_Event ↛ situation; pu blocked.

                            TODO: derive acceptsSort from a Borer-2005 stativity feature on the head and a stativity feature on the licensee, rather than table-stipulating it. The current encoding is the paper-fidelity stub form; a true derivation is queued.

                            oti (content-typed [n]) is licensed under either v. Predicts paper ex. 21b: arketos kosmos δen siniδitopii efkola oti i periγrafiki kanones ine δjaforetiki...sinidhitopió 'realize' takes a manner adverb (eventive ⟹ v_Event), and oti is fine.

                            Refutation against @cite{bondarenko-2022}'s transparent Syntax-Semantics mapping — substantive form, consuming the Chapter 4 type-theoretic predicates from Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Bondarenko2022.

                            The substantive content: Greek bare oti in the explanans reading (paper ex. 4a) instantiates the (semantic-)bare clause type composing via PM with v's situation argument. Bondarenko correctly predicts this composition (bareCP_composes_via_PM). But the same bare oti passes argument-position diagnostics (clitic doubling — paper ex. 3a — and passivization — ex. 6a). Bondarenko's prediction bareCP_satisfies_no_theta says no Θ-head saturates a bare CP. Therefore: either (i) the diagnostics track something other than Θ-saturation, or (ii) the prediction fails. Angelopoulos chooses (i) — autonomy of syntax — which IS Bondarenko's transparent S-S mapping rejected.

                            Stated as the conjunction witnessing the autonomy claim: bare CP composes via PM AND no Θ-head saturates it. Angelopoulos's diagnostics force the position↔Θ-saturation correlation that Bondarenko's transparent mapping presupposes.

                            The original conditional refutation, preserved for the paper-fidelity transparentSSMapping def-as-table form. The substantive refutation is angelopoulos_explanans_breaks_position_theta_correlation above.

                            Refutation against @cite{bochnak-hanink-2021} / Deal 2026 "selection limited to argument clauses". If selection were limited to argument clauses, then a pu-adjunct clause would not be selected by anything. But Greek adjunct pu-clauses select their hosts (§4.2 paper, following @cite{hewett-2023}, @cite{hunter-2015}). Witness: paper ex. 24a — Ton timorisan γrigora pu iče afti ti siberifora 'They punished him fast because of the fact that he had this behavior'. The pu- adjunct selects the verbal host; selection is bidirectional.

                            TODO: instantiate puAdjunctClause constructively from paper ex. 24a + adjunctSelects machinery. Requires checked- Merge dual for adjunct-up selection (Step.applyAdjunctChecked), which is genuinely new substrate not yet in Selection.lean.

                            The content/situation distinction (Bondarenko 2022) cuts orthogonally to the doxastic/preferential partition exposed in Features.Attitudes.Attitude.

                            The substantive claim is that there is a (preferential, situation-selecting) verb (e.g., metanjose 'regret') and a (doxastic, content-selecting) verb (e.g., pistévo 'believe'). However, content/situation selection is not currently a Fragment field — per integration auditor N3, it is paper- specific apparatus that lives in this Studies file rather than in VerbCore. Without a Fragment field, the orthogonality theorem can only state a Vendler-stativity witness, which is a proxy for situation-selection (since pu-complements require stative matrix predicates per Puzzle 3) but not identical to it.

                            The honest theorem: there exists a (preferential, stative) verb. The cross-classification with content/situation selection requires a Fragment-level selectsClauseSort field, queued for a follow-up substrate refactor.

                            And a (doxastic, stative) verb — pistévo 'believe'. The pair witnesses that attitude class and stativity cross- classify; together with the prose claim that metanjose selects pu (situation) and pistévo selects oti (content), this is the closest we can come to the orthogonality claim without a selectsClauseSort Fragment field.

                            The oti-explanans reading uses the content-CP via PM. The CP oti i Ji ine strojili 'that the Earth is round' composes with the verb's situation argument by Predicate Modification, modifying the event of explaining with the propositional content. Reference: compC from ClauseDenotation/Content.lean.

                            The to oti-explanandum reading uses the silent FACT noun + D layer per @cite{moulton-2020}. Composes via Functional Application to deliver an individual argument (the fact being explained).

                            Reference: existsContentNounCP from ClauseDenotation/Content. The silent noun is a ContentNoun W whose denotation is factive (presupposes the proposition true at the actual world).