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Linglib.Phenomena.Comparison.Studies.Stassen2013

Stassen (2013): WALS chapter 121 on comparative constructions #

@cite{stassen-2013} @cite{wals-2013} @cite{haspelmath-2001}

WALS Chapter 121 by Leon Stassen covering comparative-construction typology across 167 languages: the five-way classification (locational | exceed | conjoined | particle | mixed) and its areal distribution.

This study file holds cross-linguistic generalisations that consume the Fragment-side def comparison : ComparativeProfile data with non-trivial semantic content (particle_implies_svo_in_sample, conjoined_no_degree_marking, morph_comp_implies_morph_super, etc.). Per-language Fragment-vs-WALS data-equality theorems are deliberately absent — see feedback_no_per_lang_wals_grounding_in_studies for the rationale.

WALS aggregate distribution theorems live in the substrate (Linglib/Typology/Comparison.lean). Stassen's 1985 fine-grained 6-way typology and the chaining-based universals live in Studies/Stassen1985.lean.

The 17-language sample drawn from per-language Fragment Comparison files. Sample shrunk from the dissolved file's 18 (dropped Martuthunira: no Fragments/Martuthunira/ directory exists).

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    All particle languages in the sample (English, German, Russian, French) are SVO (or V2). This reflects @cite{haspelmath-2001}'s identification of the comparative particle as a Standard Average European feature.

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      Exceed-comparative languages in the sample include Yoruba (W Africa), Mandarin (E Asia), Swahili (E Africa), Thai (SE Asia), and Tagalog (Austronesian).

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          Conjoined-comparative languages universally lack overt degree marking in the sample: comparison without any morphological apparatus.

          Conjoined-comparative languages also lack dedicated superlative strategies — if you can't grammaticalize "more than", you typically can't grammaticalize "most" either.

          SOV languages in the sample (Japanese, Korean, Turkish, Hindi-Urdu, Navajo, Latin) tend toward locational comparatives.

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            Exceed-comparative languages in the sample mostly lack bound comparative morphology on adjectives. Comparison is expressed via the verb.

            Languages with morphological comparative degree marking ('-er'/'-ee') also have morphological superlatives in the sample.

            Every locational comparative in the sample uses a standard marker that also has spatial/ablative meaning ('from', ablative case, partitive case). This is definitional but worth verifying: the standard marker is never semantically empty.

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              Particle comparatives in the sample all have overt degree marking (free word or comparative morphology).

              theorem Phenomena.Comparison.Studies.Stassen2013.exceed_degree_split :
              have withDeg := List.filter (fun (x : Typology.Comparison.ComparativeProfile) => x.hasDegWord) exceedLanguages; have withoutDeg := List.filter (fun (x : Typology.Comparison.ComparativeProfile) => x.noDegree) exceedLanguages; withDeg.length > 0 withoutDeg.length > 0

              Exceed comparatives show a split on degree words (Mandarin/Tagalog have them, Yoruba/Swahili/Thai do not).

              Conjoined-comparative languages (which lack a dedicated comparative construction in Stassen's terms) also lack dedicated superlative strategies. Implicational universal: SUPERLATIVE → COMPARATIVE (contrapositive).