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Linglib.Phenomena.Case.Studies.Woolford1997

@cite{woolford-1997} — Four-Way Case Systems #

@cite{woolford-1997} @cite{woolford-2006} @cite{baker-2015} @cite{marantz-1991}

Formalization of @cite{woolford-1997}'s analysis of four-way case systems, with Nez Perce as the primary case study.

Key Claims #

  1. ERG is lexical (inherent) Case, like dative — assigned at D-structure in conjunction with θ-role assignment. This contrasts with NOM/ACC/ABS, which are structural cases assigned at S-structure.

  2. Two structural object Cases: OBJ (assigned/checked by Agr-O, associated with object agreement) and ACC (assigned/checked by V/P, not associated with object agreement). These are distinct cases.

  3. Maximum Accusatives formula: The number of structural accusative cases in a clause = #arguments − #lexical cases − 1 (the −1 accounts for the subject, which receives NOM).

  4. Subject-object agreement (not ergative): All subjects (NOM and ERG) trigger subject agreement; only OBJ (not ACC) triggers object agreement. ERG subjects do NOT trigger ergative agreement — they trigger the same subject agreement as NOM subjects.

  5. Generalization (19): lexically Cased subject → *structural accusative object. In a clause with a lexically Cased subject (e.g., ergative or dative), the highest object cannot have structural accusative Case (although that object can have objective Case). This is subsumed by the Max. Acc. formula for the highest object and derives the prohibited transitive and ditransitive patterns.

Nez Perce Patterns #

Transitive (2 args, 1 lexical = ERG):

Ditransitive (3 args: agent, goal, theme):

Integration #

Woolford's five-way case inventory for Nez Perce. OBJ is the structural object case distinct from ACC — this is the key innovation over standard NOM/ACC systems.

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    def Woolford1997.instReprWCase.repr :
    WCaseStd.Format
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      Structural vs lexical classification.

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        def Woolford1997.instReprCaseKind.repr :
        CaseKindStd.Format
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          Subject agreement: triggered by ALL subjects (NOM and ERG alike). Woolford's key point: ERG subjects trigger subject agreement, not ergative agreement. The agreement system is nominative-accusative, even though the case system has ergative.

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            Object agreement: triggered ONLY by OBJ, not by ACC. This asymmetry is evidence that OBJ and ACC are distinct cases: OBJ is assigned by Agr-O (associated with agreement), while ACC is assigned by V/P (no agreement).

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              def Woolford1997.maxAcc (nArgs nLexCases : ) :

              The maximum number of structural accusative cases assignable in a clause. Formula: #arguments − #lexical cases − 1 (the −1 is the subject slot). Uses Nat subtraction (saturating at 0).

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                def Woolford1997.countAccIn (cases : List WCase) :

                Count ACC cases in a list of case assignments.

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                  def Woolford1997.countLexIn (cases : List WCase) :

                  Count lexical cases in a list of case assignments.

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                    def Woolford1997.generalization19 (subject goal : WCase) :
                    Bool

                    Generalization (19): a lexically Cased subject cannot be followed by a structural accusative object. Under the weak interpretation, this applies to the thematically highest object (goal > theme).

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                      Generalization (19) holds for all allowed transitive patterns: ERG (lexical) subject → object is OBJ, not ACC.

                      Generalization (19) is vacuously satisfied for NOM subjects.

                      def Woolford1997.generalization19_strong (subject : WCase) (objects : List WCase) :
                      Bool

                      The strong interpretation of generalization (19) would block ACC on ALL objects when the subject is lexical.

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                        The strong interpretation incorrectly prohibits ERG-OBJ-ACC (paper's (22A.3)), which is an attested Nez Perce ditransitive pattern. The goal gets OBJ (per weak gen (19)), but the theme can still get ACC. The paper argues for the weak interpretation on these grounds.

                        The weak interpretation correctly allows ERG-OBJ-ACC: it only checks the goal (highest object), which is OBJ, not ACC.

                        A transitive pattern: subject case + object case.

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                          def Woolford1997.instDecidableEqTransPattern.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : TransPattern) :
                          Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                              The two allowed transitive patterns in Nez Perce (paper's (16A)).

                              • NOM subject + ACC object (structural subject, structural object)
                              • ERG subject + OBJ object (lexical subject, structural object)
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                                The two prohibited transitive patterns (paper's (16B)).

                                • *NOM + OBJ: NOM subject should pair with ACC, not OBJ
                                • *ERG + ACC: blocked by generalization (19)
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                                  Predict whether a transitive pattern is allowed. Structural subject (NOM) → object is ACC. Lexical subject (ERG) → object is OBJ (generalization (19) blocks ACC).

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                                    A ditransitive pattern: subject + goal (higher object) + theme (lower object). The thematic hierarchy (goal > theme) matters for generalization (19): a lexical subject blocks structural accusative on the goal (highest object), not the theme.

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                                      def Woolford1997.instDecidableEqDitransPattern.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : DitransPattern) :
                                      Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                          The four allowed ditransitive patterns in Nez Perce (paper's (22A)). Columns are Agent, Goal, Theme following the paper's labels.

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                                            The eight prohibited ditransitive patterns (paper's (22B)).

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                                              Predict whether a ditransitive pattern is allowed. Encodes the Max. Acc. formula, structural constraints on OBJ, and generalization (19).

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                                                All allowed transitive patterns are predicted as allowed.

                                                All prohibited transitive patterns are predicted as prohibited.

                                                theorem Woolford1997.trans_disjoint :
                                                (npTransAllowed.all fun (p : TransPattern) => npTransProhibited.all fun (x : TransPattern) => x != p) = true

                                                The allowed/prohibited lists are disjoint.

                                                The allowed/prohibited lists cover all NOM/ERG × ACC/OBJ combinations.

                                                maxAcc for transitives: NOM subject → 1 ACC slot.

                                                maxAcc for transitives: ERG subject → 0 ACC slots.

                                                All allowed ditransitive patterns are predicted.

                                                All prohibited ditransitive patterns are rejected.

                                                theorem Woolford1997.ditrans_disjoint :
                                                (npDitransAllowed.all fun (p : DitransPattern) => npDitransProhibited.all fun (x : DitransPattern) => x != p) = true

                                                The allowed/prohibited lists are disjoint.

                                                The allowed/prohibited lists cover all 12 NOM/ERG × {ACC,OBJ,DAT}² patterns (excluding DAT-DAT which never arises).

                                                maxAcc for ditransitives: ERG subject, no DAT → 1 ACC slot.

                                                maxAcc for ditransitives: NOM subject → 2 ACC slots.

                                                maxAcc for ditransitives: ERG + DAT → 0 ACC slots.

                                                ERG is lexical (inherent), not structural.

                                                ERG subjects trigger subject agreement (not ergative agreement).

                                                NOM subjects trigger subject agreement.

                                                ACC does NOT trigger object agreement.

                                                OBJ triggers object agreement.

                                                Agreement is subject-object, not ergative-absolutive: both NOM and ERG trigger the SAME (subject) agreement.

                                                OBJ and ACC differ in agreement properties: OBJ triggers object agreement, ACC does not. This justifies treating them as distinct cases and reflects their different structural sources (Agr-O vs V/P).

                                                Intransitives: 1 argument, 0 lexical → maxAcc = 0. The sole argument gets NOM (structural from Agr-S).

                                                theorem Woolford1997.burzio_from_maxAcc :
                                                maxAcc 1 0 = 0 maxAcc 2 1 = 0 maxAcc 2 0 = 1

                                                Burzio's generalization as a corollary of the Max. Acc. formula. @cite{woolford-1997} argues that three apparently separate generalizations are all instances of the Max. Acc. formula: (i) No verb assigns structural ACC to its subject (the −1 term). (ii) A verb without an external subject cannot assign ACC (Burzio's generalization): 1 arg, 0 lexical → maxAcc = 0. (iii) A lexically Cased subject blocks ACC on the highest object (generalization (19)): 2 args, 1 lexical → maxAcc = 0. The Max. Acc. formula unifies all three.

                                                Whether a language assigns ERG obligatorily or optionally.

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                                                    Language parameters for a three- or four-way system. The range of Case patterns a language allows follows from whether verbs assign ERG and DAT obligatorily or optionally.

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                                                        Nez Perce: optional ERG, optional DAT.

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                                                          Thangu: obligatory ERG, obligatory DAT (three-way system: no ACC surfaces).

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                                                            Kalkatungu: obligatory ERG, optional DAT (four-way system like Nez Perce, but no nominative-accusative pattern since ERG is always assigned).

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                                                              Predict which transitive patterns are available given language parameters. Obligatory ERG → only ERG-OBJ (no NOM-ACC). Optional ERG → both NOM-ACC and ERG-OBJ.

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                                                                Predict which ditransitive patterns are available given language parameters. The interaction of ERG and DAT optionality determines the full set.

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                                                                  Nez Perce (optional ERG): both transitive patterns available. The predicted patterns match the attested data exactly.

                                                                  Nez Perce ditransitive predictions match the attested patterns.

                                                                  Thangu (obligatory ERG): only ERG-OBJ in transitives.

                                                                  Thangu (obligatory ERG + DAT): only ERG-DAT-OBJ in ditransitives. With 2 lexical cases, maxAcc = 3 − 2 − 1 = 0 — no ACC at all.

                                                                  Kalkatungu (obligatory ERG, optional DAT): ERG-OBJ only in transitives (no NOM-ACC pattern since ERG is always assigned).

                                                                  theorem Woolford1997.kalkatungu_ditrans :
                                                                  availableDitransPatterns kalkatungu = [{ subject := WCase.erg, goal := WCase.obj, theme := WCase.acc }, { subject := WCase.erg, goal := WCase.dat, theme := WCase.obj }]

                                                                  Kalkatungu ditransitives: ERG-OBJ-ACC (without DAT) and ERG-DAT-OBJ (with DAT). Unlike Thangu, Kalkatungu's optional DAT allows ACC to appear in ditransitives.

                                                                  All predicted patterns are valid: every predicted transitive pattern passes the prediction function.

                                                                  All predicted ditransitive patterns pass the prediction function.

                                                                  Nez Perce structural case inventory (NOM + ACC/OBJ + ERG). Under Blake's hierarchy, these are all core cases (rank 6) plus DAT (rank 4), with GEN (rank 5) between.

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                                                                    The core-case subset is valid per Blake's hierarchy (all at rank 6, no gaps).

                                                                    Full inventory including DAT requires GEN for contiguity.

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                                                                      Woolford vs. Baker/Marantz #

                                                                      @cite{woolford-1997} and @cite{baker-2015}/@cite{marantz-1991} make overlapping but distinct predictions. Key agreement: both assign structural ACC in transitives with two caseless NPs. Key disagreement: dependent case has no OBJ/ACC distinction — it assigns a single dependent case (ACC) to the lower NP, regardless of whether the higher NP has lexical case.

                                                                      theorem Woolford1997.agree_on_nom_acc_transitive :
                                                                      have depResult := Syntax.Case.assignCases Syntax.Case.CaseLanguageType.accusative [{ label := "subj", lexicalCase := none }, { label := "obj", lexicalCase := none }]; Syntax.Case.getCaseOf "obj" depResult = some UD.Case.acc { subject := WCase.nom, object := WCase.acc }.object.toCoreCase = UD.Case.acc

                                                                      Where Woolford and dependent case agree: in a NOM-ACC transitive, the object gets ACC under both theories.

                                                                      Where they diverge: Woolford distinguishes OBJ from ACC. Under dependent case, both map to the same .acc.

                                                                      Dependent case has no analogue of Woolford's agreement asymmetry: under dependent case, there is one ACC — it either triggers agreement or not. Woolford's two structural object cases explain why some objects trigger agreement (OBJ from Agr-O) and others don't (ACC from V/P).

                                                                      ERG is lexical under both theories: Woolford's inherent case and Baker's dependent ergative both treat ERG as non-structural, though the mechanisms differ (θ-role assignment vs. configuration).