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Linglib.Phenomena.Case.Studies.AndersonJM2006

Anderson (2006): Modern Grammars of Case @cite{anderson-jm-2006} #

@cite{anderson-jm-2006} "Modern Grammars of Case: A Retrospective" (OUP) develops localist case grammar (LCG), where all semantic relations decompose into combinations of three first-order case features: absolutive (abs), source/ergative (src), and locative (loc).

Anderson's system (Ch. 6, eq. 11) #

The four simple case relations are:

Arguments bear COMBINATIONS of first-order features to define complex roles (§6.2–6.3):

Subject selection (eq. 38') #

Anderson directly states: erg > abs. The argument with first-order source becomes subject. If no argument has source, the absolutive becomes subject. The hierarchy is NOT derived from feature cardinality.

Subject formation (eq. 40): absolutive ⇒ absolutive{erg}. When an absolutive is selected as subject, it acquires the erg feature.

Improvement over the two-feature model #

Our earlier formalization incorrectly used only two features (abs, erg) and collapsed experiencer with agent as {abs, erg}. Anderson's actual system DISTINGUISHES them: agent = {src}, experiencer = {src, loc}. Both have src (so both can be subjects), but they differ in the loc feature. The third feature (loc) is essential to Anderson's theory.

Costs #

The three-feature system collapses some Fragment distinctions:

Anderson's canonical mapping from case-feature bundles to theta roles.

The three-feature system makes finer distinctions than the old two-feature version: experiencer ({src, loc}) is now SEPARATE from agent ({src}).

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    Reverse mapping: from the Fragment's 8-role inventory to Anderson's case relations.

    Key differences from the old two-feature mapping:

    • experiencer → srcLoc (was absErg, same as agent)
    • agent → ergative (was absErg, conflated with experiencer)
    • goal → locative (spatial goal = loc{goal})

    The many-to-one collapses that remain:

    • agent, source, instrument, stimulus → ergative {src}
    • patient, theme → absolutive {abs}
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      Anderson's derivations from Chapter 6 (eq. 39) show how the three-feature system assigns case relations to English verb arguments. For each verb, the subject is the argument with the highest subjectRank.

      Eq. 39a: "Bill read the book" — erg + abs. Agent (src, rank 2) + patient (abs, rank 1). Agent is subject.

      Eq. 39b: "Bill fell to the ground" — abs + loc{goal}. Theme (abs, rank 1) + locative goal (loc, rank 0). Theme is subject.

      Eq. 39c: "Bill flew to China" — abs,erg + loc{goal}. Self-mover (abs+src, rank 2) + goal (loc, rank 0). Self-mover is subject.

      theorem AndersonJM2006.knew_derivation :
      have experiencer := Core.CaseRelation.srcLoc; have stimulus := Core.CaseRelation.absolutive; experiencer.subjectRank > stimulus.subjectRank

      Eq. 39h: "Bill knew the answer" — E + abs = erg,loc + abs. Experiencer (src+loc, rank 2) + stimulus (abs, rank 1). Experiencer is subject because it has src.

      Anderson's key distinction: experiencer ≠ agent in feature content, but BOTH outrank absolutive. Agent = {src}, experiencer = {src, loc}. The loc feature distinguishes them without affecting subject selection.

      Derive Anderson's Scenario from a Fragment verb entry's derived roles.

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        Anderson's case grammar as a LinkingTheory (@cite{anderson-jm-2006}). The verb type is Scenario, the context is Unit (lexicalist: linking is derived entirely from case-relation rank, no structural input).

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          The three-feature system correctly predicts experiencer as subject, which the old two-feature system collapsed into agent.

          Anderson correctly predicts which argument becomes subject for every verb in the Fragment: the prediction is defined iff the verb has a derived subject role.

          The three-feature system collapses fewer roles than the old two-feature model. Experiencer is now correctly distinguished from agent. The remaining collapses are:

          Patient and theme both map to {abs}, but @cite{dowty-1991} distinguishes them: patient has 3 P-Patient entailments, theme has only 1.

          The three-feature system correctly separates experiencer from agent. This is the key improvement over the old two-feature formalization.

          Experiencer subject verbs are now correctly predicted as experiencer, not collapsed into agent (for verbs with entailment profiles).

          Anderson and Blake are concordant on the core case ordering. Blake: NOM(6) ≥ ACC(6). Anderson: NOM/src+abs outranks ACC/abs (subjectRank 2 > 1). Both are inverse to Caha's containment hierarchy.

          Does a morphological case carry the spatial locative feature? ABL, LOC both map to {loc} — they share the locative feature because they involve spatial location.

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            @[implicit_reducible]
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            INST maps to {src} (source of force), not {loc}. Anderson argues that instrumental is the same semantic relation as agent: both are sources of action.

            ABL and LOC share a case relation AND have an extension path between them. Anderson's explanation: a case marker conditioned on {loc} is polysemous across spatial functions.

            Accusative and ergative alignment are different morphological labels for the same two case relations: NOM = ERG = src+abs, ACC = ABS = abs. The case relations are identical; alignment is labeling.

            The three-feature system improves on the old two-feature version for the experiencer case: Anderson distinguishes experiencer from agent (via loc), as does Dowty (different P-Agent entailment count).