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Linglib.Fragments.Hungarian.Focus

Hungarian Focus and the Identificational/Information Distinction #

@cite{kiss-1998}

@cite{kiss-1998} argues that two structurally distinct focus types must be distinguished in Hungarian:

  1. Identificational focus moves to the specifier of a left-peripheral functional projection (Spec,FP), surfacing in the immediately preverbal position. It expresses exhaustive identification — selecting the maximal subset of contextually-given alternatives for which the predicate holds.
  2. Information focus stays VP-internal in the postverbal domain, marked only by pitch accent. It conveys nonpresupposed information without exhaustivity.

The two are not interpretational variants of one operator: they occupy distinct structural positions and trigger distinct semantic operations. This is the structural basis for the Hungarian–English parallel @cite{kiss-1998} draws (English clefts realise identificational focus) and the typological pivot for the @cite{hartmann-zimmermann-2007} debate (Hausa is the negative counterpart: in-situ position does not block focus interpretation).

Distributional restrictions (paper §3): identificational focus is barred from universal quantifiers (minden 'every'), additive also-phrases (X+is) and even-phrases (még…is), and the existential valami/valaki 'somebody/something'. Csak 'only'-phrases are obligatorily realised as identificational foci. The minimal class encoding here lets us state and prove these restrictions as theorems rather than stipulate them inline.

FocusConfig.Licensed is propositional (Prop with Decidable). The structure carries a position, a focus type, and a constituent class; licensing combines the position–type pairing with the §3 class-based distributional facts. Smart constructors mkIdentificational and mkInformation package the position–type pairing automatically; ill-licensed combinations are constructed directly to demonstrate the predicate has bite.

The two structural positions for focused constituents in Hungarian. preverbal = Spec,FP (the immediately preverbal identificational focus slot, see @cite{kiss-1998} eq. 5a); postverbal = VP-internal in situ (the information focus position, see eq. 5b).

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      The two focus types @cite{kiss-1998} distinguishes. The identificational type carries an exhaustivity entailment; information focus does not. The eq. 5a vs 5b minimal pair is the empirical pivot.

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          Whether the focus type carries an exhaustivity entailment. Direct consequence of @cite{kiss-1998} §2 (the Szabolcsi–Farkas test). Stated at the FocusType level — exhaustivity is intrinsic to the type, independent of any particular configuration.

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            Coarse classification of the focused constituent for the §3 distributional facts. regular covers ordinary DPs that can occur as either focus type; universal is the minden 'every' / X+is 'also' / még…is 'even' class barred from identificational focus (paper eq. 17b–d); onlyPhrase is csak X 'only X', obligatorily identificational; someIndef is valami/valaki 'somebody/something', barred from both focus positions (paper eq. 17e).

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                A Hungarian focused-clause configuration. Position, focus type, and constituent class are independent fields at the structure level; Licensed enforces the @cite{kiss-1998} pairings.

                • position : Position

                  The structural position of the focused constituent.

                • focusType : FocusType

                  The focus type (identificational vs information).

                • The lexical class of the focused constituent.

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                  def Fragments.Hungarian.Focus.instDecidableEqFocusConfig.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : FocusConfig) :
                  Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                        The canonical position for a given focus type. Paper §2: in Hungarian, identificational focus moves to Spec,FP (preverbal); information focus stays VP-internal (postverbal).

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                          A FocusConfig is licensed iff (i) its position is the canonical position for its focus type (paper §2) and (ii) its constituent class is compatible with that focus type (paper §3).

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                            Smart constructor for a preverbal identificational focus. The position–type pairing is automatic; the caller supplies the constituent class and a proof of compatibility.

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                              Smart constructor for a postverbal information focus. The position–type pairing is automatic; the caller supplies the constituent class and a proof of compatibility.

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                                Position determines focus type for licensed configurations. The structural pairing in FocusConfig.Licensed makes the focus type a function of the position. This is the load-bearing biconditional that lets the Meaning-Structure Mapping Hypothesis be proved for Hungarian (vs refuted for Hausa).

                                csak-phrases must be identificational foci (paper §3 last paragraph, eq. 51–53). Any licensed configuration with an onlyPhrase constituent has identificational focus type.

                                valami/valaki can never be focused (paper eq. 17e and surrounding prose). No licensed configuration has an someIndef constituent — neither focus type accepts it.