Hungarian Case Inventory @cite{kenesei-vago-fenyvesi-1998} @cite{rounds-2001} @cite{caha-2008} #
Hungarian's case inventory per the two standard reference grammars: @cite{kenesei-vago-fenyvesi-1998} list 18 cases (see their Symbols table); @cite{rounds-2001} adds 4 less-productive cases (temporal -kor, distributive-temporal -nta, sociative -stul / -stül, locative fossilized -t / -tt) for a total of 22. All marking is via agglutinative suffixes.
Both reference grammars converge on three substantive points:
No morphological genitive. -nak / -nek is exclusively glossed as dative — even in possessive constructions where the possessor is "extracted" into a non-adjacent position. @cite{kenesei-vago-fenyvesi-1998} §1.10 explicitly attributes the analysis to Szabolcsi 1986/1992, 1994 and frames the possessor as the dative possessor (not GEN). @cite{caha-2008} §5 (pp. 266–267) likewise states verbatim: "Hungarian has nominative, accusative, dative, instrumental and a number of spatial cases, but no genitive ... possessor inside a Noun phrase ... is expressed as a dative, or nominative, depending on word-order, among other things." Possession is head-marked on the possessum; see
Fragments/Hungarian/Possession.lean.Local cases form a 3 × 3 matrix (interior / exterior / near × motion-toward / no-motion / motion-away) — see @cite{rounds-2001} §6.2's "Locative system: parameters of motion and space" table.
Hungarian is a known surface counterexample to Blake's hierarchy. @cite{caha-2008} fn. 8 cites Blake's own resolution: "the counterexamples are superficial, and are basically due to two factors: systematic syncretism (perhaps as in the case of Hungarian which uses dative to express possessor)..." Both Blake and Caha accept Hungarian as a typological exception explained by the dative-as-possessor analysis, not as a falsifying datum.
This Fragment exposes a 9-element Finset Core.Case capturing the
broad case-functions that participate in Blake's hierarchy:
- Grammatical: NOM (∅), ACC (-t), DAT (-nak / -nek)
- Local — 3 × 3 matrix collapsed to direction only:
- static (→
.loc): inessive (-ban / -ben), adessive (-nál / -nél), superessive (-n / -on / -en / -ön) - source (→
.abl): elative (-ból / -ből), ablative (-tól / -től), delative (-ról / -ről) - goal (→
.all): illative (-ba / -be), allative (-hoz / -hez / -höz), sublative (-ra / -re)
- static (→
- Other: INST (-val / -vel), COM (= INS-form per @cite{kenesei-vago-fenyvesi-1998}; separate Finset element here), CAUS (-ért, "causal-final")
What Core.Case can express but this inventory omits:
.Sup,.Sub,.Del(PascalCase UD spatial constructors) would preserve Hungarian's surface-row local cases distinctly rather than collapsing to the direction-only triple..ess(essive-modal -ul / -ül),.transl(translative -vá / -vé),.ter(terminative -ig),.tem(temporal -kor) — all attested in both grammars, omitted here.- ESS-FOR (-ként, "essive-formal", listed separately by both grammars)
has no
Core.Caseconstructor. - DISTR (-nként), per @cite{rounds-2001} §6.4, has no
Core.Caseconstructor — the only Hungarian case the substrate genuinely cannot express.
Hungarian case inventory: 9-element sample of Core.Case. The
omission of .gen reflects the descriptive-grammar consensus
(@cite{kenesei-vago-fenyvesi-1998}, @cite{rounds-2001}) and
@cite{caha-2008} §5 — Hungarian has no morphological genitive.
Equations
Instances For
Hungarian fails Blake's strict contiguity at rank 5 (GEN), since
the inventory has DAT (rank 4) without GEN. Parallels Finnish's
failure at rank 4 (DAT) — Fragments.Finnish.Case.inventory_fails_strict.
@cite{caha-2008} §5 (pp. 266–267) cites Hungarian as the textbook
surface counterexample to Blake, resolved (per Blake fn. 8) by the
dative-as-possessor syncretism.