Hausa Determiners #
@cite{zimmermann-2008} @cite{zimmermann-2014} @cite{zimmermann-2026}
Fragment entries for the Hausa (Chadic, West Africa) determiner system, covering universal quantifiers and indefinite markers.
Universal Quantification #
Hausa has a 2-form UQ system (@cite{zimmermann-2008}):
| Form | Type | Complement | Reading |
|---|---|---|---|
| koo-wane | [+dist] | SG count without DEF | each |
| duk(a) | [−dist] | DEF PL count + mass | all |
The koo-quantifier shows phi-agreement with the NP and combines only with bare SG count NPs. The duka-expressions do not agree and select for definite plural NPs and mass NPs.
This maps to the Haslinger et al. Q_∀ + ONE decomposition:
- koo-wane = Q_∀[ONE_∅] (distributive, non-overlapping complement)
- duk(a) = bare Q_∀ (non-distributive, CUM complement)
Indefiniteness #
Hausa has two indefinite strategies:
| Form | Analysis | Scope potential |
|---|---|---|
| wani/wata | ∃-quantifier | Wide + narrow |
| bare NP | covert ∃ | Narrow only |
wani/wata can take exceptional wide scope, even out of relative clauses (@cite{zimmermann-2014}), motivating an analysis as either a contextually bound choice function variable or an ∃-quantifier with singleton restriction (@cite{schwarzschild-2002}).
@cite{zimmermann-2008} @cite{zimmermann-2014} analyse wani/wata as ∃-quantifiers, in complementary distribution with the distributive universal koo-wane/koo-wace.
Hausa has a 2-form universal quantifier system: koo-wane (distributive) vs duk(a) (non-distributive). @cite{zimmermann-2008}, confirmed by @cite{zimmermann-2026} §4.1.
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- Fragments.Hausa.Determiners.instDecidableEqHausaUQ x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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koo shows phi-agreement and takes bare SG count NPs. duk does not agree and takes DEF PL/mass NPs.
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The koo/duk split instantiates the DNG (@cite{haslinger-etal-2025-nllt}): same Q_∀, different complement structure.
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⟦koo-wane⟧ = Q_∀[ONE_∅]: distributive universal.
koo-wane distributes over the individual atoms of the SG NP denotation. Because it selects for SG count NPs (atoms only), ONE_∅ (non-overlap) is automatically satisfied.
Equivalent to English every in the Haslinger et al. decomposition. @cite{zimmermann-2008}.
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⟦duk(a)⟧ = bare Q_∀: non-distributive universal.
duk(a) applies the scope predicate to the maximal element of the DEF PL/mass NP denotation (the sum of all individuals).
Equivalent to English all in the Haslinger et al. decomposition. @cite{zimmermann-2008}.
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Hausa indefinite marker type: bare NP vs wani/wata-marked.
Both are ∃-quantifiers (@cite{zimmermann-2014}). The difference is that wani is an overt ∃ that can QR, while bare NPs have a covert ∃ that is locally bound.
- bare : HausaIndef
- wani : HausaIndef
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- Fragments.Hausa.Determiners.instDecidableEqHausaIndef x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Both Hausa indefinite strategies use ∃-quantification, not choice functions. @cite{zimmermann-2014}.
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wani/wata satisfies Matthewson's diagnostics for marked indefinites: occurrence in existential sentences, introduction of new discourse referents, serving as antecedents for sluicing. @cite{matthewson-1999}, @cite{zimmermann-2026} §3.3 ex. (12).
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koo-wane is distributive: its complement must be non-overlapping.
duk(a) is non-distributive: it applies to the maximal sum.
koo selects SG count NPs (atoms). @cite{zimmermann-2008}, @cite{haslinger-etal-2025-nllt}.
duk selects DEF PL/mass NPs. @cite{zimmermann-2008}, @cite{haslinger-etal-2025-nllt}.
Bare NPs are ∃-quantifier indefinites. @cite{zimmermann-2014}.
wani/wata are ∃-quantifier indefinites. @cite{zimmermann-2014}.