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Linglib.Fragments.Hausa.Determiners

Hausa Determiners #

@cite{zimmermann-2008} @cite{zimmermann-2014} @cite{zimmermann-2026}

Fragment entries for the Hausa (Chadic, West Africa) determiner system, covering universal quantifiers and indefinite markers.

Universal Quantification #

Hausa has a 2-form UQ system (@cite{zimmermann-2008}):

FormTypeComplementReading
koo-wane[+dist]SG count without DEFeach
duk(a)[−dist]DEF PL count + massall

The koo-quantifier shows phi-agreement with the NP and combines only with bare SG count NPs. The duka-expressions do not agree and select for definite plural NPs and mass NPs.

This maps to the Haslinger et al. Q_∀ + ONE decomposition:

Indefiniteness #

Hausa has two indefinite strategies:

FormAnalysisScope potential
wani/wata∃-quantifierWide + narrow
bare NPcovert ∃Narrow only

wani/wata can take exceptional wide scope, even out of relative clauses (@cite{zimmermann-2014}), motivating an analysis as either a contextually bound choice function variable or an ∃-quantifier with singleton restriction (@cite{schwarzschild-2002}).

@cite{zimmermann-2008} @cite{zimmermann-2014} analyse wani/wata as ∃-quantifiers, in complementary distribution with the distributive universal koo-wane/koo-wace.

Hausa has a 2-form universal quantifier system: koo-wane (distributive) vs duk(a) (non-distributive). @cite{zimmermann-2008}, confirmed by @cite{zimmermann-2026} §4.1.

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      koo shows phi-agreement and takes bare SG count NPs. duk does not agree and takes DEF PL/mass NPs.

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        The koo/duk split instantiates the DNG (@cite{haslinger-etal-2025-nllt}): same Q_∀, different complement structure.

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          def Fragments.Hausa.Determiners.kooSem {α : Type u_1} [PartialOrder α] (P Q : αProp) :

          ⟦koo-wane⟧ = Q_∀[ONE_∅]: distributive universal.

          koo-wane distributes over the individual atoms of the SG NP denotation. Because it selects for SG count NPs (atoms only), ONE_∅ (non-overlap) is automatically satisfied.

          Equivalent to English every in the Haslinger et al. decomposition. @cite{zimmermann-2008}.

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            def Fragments.Hausa.Determiners.dukSem {α : Type u_1} [PartialOrder α] (P Q : αProp) :

            ⟦duk(a)⟧ = bare Q_∀: non-distributive universal.

            duk(a) applies the scope predicate to the maximal element of the DEF PL/mass NP denotation (the sum of all individuals).

            Equivalent to English all in the Haslinger et al. decomposition. @cite{zimmermann-2008}.

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              Hausa indefinite marker type: bare NP vs wani/wata-marked.

              Both are ∃-quantifiers (@cite{zimmermann-2014}). The difference is that wani is an overt ∃ that can QR, while bare NPs have a covert ∃ that is locally bound.

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                  wani/wata satisfies Matthewson's diagnostics for marked indefinites: occurrence in existential sentences, introduction of new discourse referents, serving as antecedents for sluicing. @cite{matthewson-1999}, @cite{zimmermann-2026} §3.3 ex. (12).

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                    koo-wane is distributive: its complement must be non-overlapping.

                    duk(a) is non-distributive: it applies to the maximal sum.

                    koo selects SG count NPs (atoms). @cite{zimmermann-2008}, @cite{haslinger-etal-2025-nllt}.

                    duk selects DEF PL/mass NPs. @cite{zimmermann-2008}, @cite{haslinger-etal-2025-nllt}.