Core/Scales/Predicate.lean — degree predicates + monotonicity #
@cite{fox-2007} @cite{kennedy-2015} @cite{geurts-nouwen-2007} @cite{nouwen-2010} @cite{partee-1987}
Predicate transformers and degree-relative comparison primitives, parameterized
by a measure function μ : W → α:
IsUpwardMonotone/IsDownwardMonotone/IsConstant/AdmitsOptimumeqDeg/atLeastDeg/moreThanDeg/atMostDeg/lessThanDeg(Fox 2007 §2)relationalGQ(unified Kennedy 2015 GQ denotation)typeLower(Partee 1987 existential lowering)- Anti-Horn-scale lemmas (general)
This file is part of the Phase A decomposition of the legacy
Core/Scales/Scale.lean dumping ground (master plan v4).
Per master plan v4, relationalGQ and its lemmas may move to
Theories/Semantics/Gradability/Kennedy.lean in Phase B (it's a
Kennedy-2015-framework operator, not a domain-general primitive).
A family of propositions indexed by scale values is upward monotone (entailments go from smaller to larger values). Kennedy: "tall" — if x is tall, x is tall-or-more. Rouillard: E-TIA with telic VP — if event fits in n days, it fits in m ≥ n days.
Equations
- Core.Scale.IsUpwardMonotone P = ∀ (x y : α), x ≤ y → ∀ (w : W), P x w → P y w
Instances For
A family is downward monotone: entailments go from larger to smaller. Rouillard: E-TIA with atelic VP — if sick during n-day time, sick during m ≤ n day time.
Equations
- Core.Scale.IsDownwardMonotone P = ∀ (x y : α), x ≤ y → ∀ (w : W), P y w → P x w
Instances For
A family is constant: every value yields the same proposition. This is information collapse — no value is more informative than another. Occurs when a family is both upward and downward monotone.
Equations
- Core.Scale.IsConstant P = ∀ (x y : α) (w : W), P x w ↔ P y w
Instances For
If P is both upward and downward monotone, it is constant.
Informativity licensing: a scale admits a well-defined optimum iff it is NOT constant. When the family is constant (information collapse), no grammatical element operating on that scale is felicitous.
This is the abstract pattern shared by:
- Kennedy's Interpretive Economy: degree modifiers require non-trivial scale contribution
- Rouillard's MIP: TIA numerals require maximally informative values
Equations
Instances For
Bimonotone families do not admit an optimum: if a family is both upward and downward monotone, it collapses to a constant and no element is maximally informative. This is the abstract core of why open-scale degree modification and atelic-VP E-TIAs are both blocked.
The cross-world entailment-based IsMaxInf (Fox 2007 / vFFI 2014 /
Beck-Rullmann 1999 / Rouillard 2026) is linguistic substrate, not
pure order theory — it lives in
Theories/Semantics/Entailment/Extremum.lean. The per-world
specialization is just IsLeast {y | P y w} x from mathlib
(Mathlib.Order.Bounds.Defs); the per-world↔cross-world bridge under
monotonicity is mathlib's MonotoneOn.map_isLeast family
(Mathlib.Order.Bounds.Image).
Closed scales predict licensing (Kennedy: "completely full" ✓; Rouillard: telic VP E-TIA ✓).
Open scales predict blocking (Kennedy: "??completely tall"; Rouillard: atelic VP E-TIA ✗).
Degree properties for comparison relations #
Five degree properties covering all comparison relations, parameterized by
a measure function μ : W → α. These are the building blocks for the named
numeral meanings (Semantics.Numerals.atLeastMeaning etc.) and degree
question semantics.
atLeastDeg: closed≥, always has max⊨moreThanDeg: open>, fails on dense scaleseqDeg: equality=, trivially has max⊨atMostDeg: closed≤lessThanDeg: open<
The key divergence: on ℕ, > collapses to ≥ with successor, so both
have HasMaxInf. On dense scales, > yields an open set with no max⊨.
This is the UDM prediction (@cite{fox-2007} §2).
Degree property for "exactly d": the measure at w equals d.
Equations
- Core.Scale.eqDeg μ d w = (μ w = d)
Instances For
Degree property for "at least d": the measure at w meets or exceeds d.
Equations
- Core.Scale.atLeastDeg μ d w = (μ w ≥ d)
Instances For
Degree property for "more than d": the measure strictly exceeds d.
Equations
- Core.Scale.moreThanDeg μ d w = (μ w > d)
Instances For
Degree property for "at most d": the measure at w is at most d.
Equations
- Core.Scale.atMostDeg μ d w = (μ w ≤ d)
Instances For
Degree property for "less than d": the measure is strictly less than d.
Equations
- Core.Scale.lessThanDeg μ d w = (μ w < d)
Instances For
"At least" is downward monotone: weaker thresholds are easier to satisfy.
"More than" is downward monotone: weaker thresholds are easier to satisfy.
On ℕ, > collapses to ≥ with successor: "more than m" ↔ "at least m+1".
This is the discrete equivalence that density breaks.
IsMaxInf-flavored consequences of these degree predicates
(atLeast_hasMaxInf, moreThan_noMaxInf, isMaxInf_atLeast_iff_eq,
moreThan_nat_hasMaxInf) live in
Theories/Semantics/Entailment/Extremum.lean since they depend on
the linguistic-substrate IsMaxInf predicate.
Existential lowering: exact → "at least" #
@cite{partee-1987}'s BE + iota + existential closure, applied to a degree
property: from an exact reading exact d w ("the measure equals d"),
existentially close to ∃ d' ≥ d, exact d' w. On any reflexive linear
order this collapses to atLeastDeg μ d w — witness d' := μ w.
This is the formal content of @cite{kennedy-2015}'s "de-Fregean" derivation of the lower-bound numeral reading from the exact reading. The collapse generalizes Numeral type-shifting to arbitrary scales.
Existentially lower an exact-style degree property to its lower-bound
counterpart: there exists some d' ≥ d such that the exact property
holds at d'.
Equations
- Core.Scale.typeLower exact d w = ∃ d' ≥ d, exact d' w
Instances For
Type-shift collapse: typeLower (eqDeg μ) = atLeastDeg μ.
Equations
- Core.Scale.atLeastDeg.decidable μ d w = id inferInstance
Equations
- Core.Scale.atMostDeg.decidable μ d w = id inferInstance
Equations
- Core.Scale.moreThanDeg.decidable μ d w = id inferInstance
Equations
- Core.Scale.lessThanDeg.decidable μ d w = id inferInstance
Equations
- Core.Scale.eqDeg.decidable μ d w = id inferInstance
Equations
- Core.Scale.typeLower_eqDeg.decidable μ d w = decidable_of_iff (Core.Scale.atLeastDeg μ d w) ⋯
A unified GQ denotation parameterized by the comparison relation #
@cite{kennedy-2015} proposes a single denotation for modified and
unmodified numerals: λP. max{d | #P ≥ d} REL m, where the only parameter
distinguishing surface forms is the relation REL ∈ {=, ≥, >, ≤, <}.
Specialised to a property of the form atLeastDeg μ, the maximum degree
satisfying atLeastDeg μ d w is μ w itself, so Kennedy's denotation
collapses to rel (μ w) m — captured here as relationalGQ rel μ m w.
The five existing degree properties (eqDeg, atLeastDeg, moreThanDeg,
atMostDeg, lessThanDeg) are definitionally relationalGQ instantiated at
the corresponding relation. The Class A vs Class B distinction
(@cite{geurts-nouwen-2007}, @cite{nouwen-2010}) collapses to a structural
property of rel: Class B ↔ IsRefl α rel; Class A ↔ IsIrrefl α rel.
Phase B note: this Kennedy-framework operator is scheduled to move to
Theories/Semantics/Gradability/Kennedy.lean per master plan v4.
Kennedy's unified GQ denotation: (rel) (μ w) d. The five named degree
properties are definitionally equal to instantiations of this.
Equations
- Core.Scale.relationalGQ rel μ d w = rel (μ w) d
Instances For
Specialisation to (· = ·) recovers eqDeg.
Specialisation to (· ≥ ·) recovers atLeastDeg.
Specialisation to (· > ·) recovers moreThanDeg.
Specialisation to (· ≤ ·) recovers atMostDeg.
Specialisation to (· < ·) recovers lessThanDeg.
Class B inclusion at the boundary (general). If rel is reflexive,
Kennedy's GQ holds at any world w whose measure equals the boundary d.
Specialised to numerals: "at least 3" / "at most 3" hold at w = 3.
Class A exclusion at the boundary (general). If rel is irreflexive,
Kennedy's GQ fails at any world w whose measure equals the boundary d.
Specialised to numerals: "more than 3" / "fewer than 3" fail at w = 3.
Why exact bare numerals are not part of a Horn scale #
@cite{kennedy-2015} argues that bare numerals (under their exact reading) are
not monotone in their numerical argument — neither upward nor downward —
so they fail the Horn-scale criterion. The classic Horn scale ⟨1, 2, 3, …⟩
presupposes upward monotonicity; the dual scale ⟨…, 3, 2, 1⟩ presupposes
downward monotonicity. Kennedy's unified GQ accommodates both modifier
directions without needing a Horn scale at all.
The lemmas below state the failure-of-monotonicity and weakness-vs-exact
results purely in terms of eqDeg / atLeastDeg / moreThanDeg —
independent of any specific scale. The Nat-specific results in
Theories/Semantics/Numerals/Basic.lean are immediate corollaries.
"More than d" and "exactly d" are disjoint (general).
"Less than d" and "exactly d" are disjoint (general).
Bare exact meaning entails "at least" (general half of Class B inclusion).
"At least d" is strictly weaker than "exactly d" (general). Given a
witness world w with μ w = d' where d < d', "at least d" holds
but "exactly d" fails.
Exact eqDeg is not upward-monotone (general). Given two distinct
boundary values d ≤ d' and a witness world with μ w = d, the universal
"if exact at d then exact at d'" fails — μ w cannot equal both.
Universal closure (the alternative to existential closure) is
unsatisfiable when the closure range contains two distinct values:
no single x can equal two different ks. This rules out the
universal-closure reading of Partee's iota generally.
"At most" is upward monotone: larger thresholds are easier to satisfy.
IsMaxInf-flavored consequences of atMostDeg (atMost_hasMaxInf,
isMaxInf_atMost_iff_eq) live in
Theories/Semantics/Entailment/Extremum.lean.